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Welcome to the Government of Cabinda

World Wide Web Service

Cabinda comprises 2,5 million Citizens

The Cabinda Free State World Wide Web Services provides public access to information about the Nation of Cabinda, its People, Organizations and general information of the Country.

Since the 8th of November of 1974 a state of up evil and war exist in Cabinda by the invasion of the unelected MPLA Communist Regime. 15,000 Fidel Castro Cuban troops and Marxist MPLA troops invaded the Country of Cabinda via Point Noire on the 11th of November of 1974.

Cabinda was a Portuguese Protectorate since the signing of the International Treaty of Simulambuco in 1885, and became known as the Portuguese Congo. Marxist MPLA troops are still occupying Cabinda. Some oil companies are participating along side the unelected invaders sponsoring with revenue the MPLA Regime brutal oppression of the Cabinda People, and sponsoring acts of rape and murder in Cabindan.

Simply put, Cabindans live in misery because of the paramount greed of a selected few Oil Company’s (Chevron Corporation). The Republic of Cabinda was never legally integrated into the new colonial patched up nation so called angola after the end of the portuguese presence in 1974.

The MPLA Perpetual Marxist Regime was placed in power by Fidel Castro Cuban troops. As the early months of 1976 wore on, the MPLA Regime became increasingly dominant, mainly due to the vast amount of external aid received, reportedly 70,000 Cuban soldiers and $300 million USD from Cuba.

To illustrate the epiphany of paramount stupidity of the portuguese government the majority of Cuban Troops flew to Cabinda in planes which where granted landing permits in the Azores Islands where they landed for refuelling. This act by the portuguese "protectors" is beyond believe, demonstrating the chronicall stupidity that exists on the part of the portuguese authorities.

VIDEO - The invasion of Cabinda by Cuba and the MPLA Regime in 1975

"In the introduction of this video the Communist cuban states that the operation to occupy Cabinda was under the direct orders of the Commander in Chief he is referring to communist dictator Fidel Castro."

VIDEO - The MPLA, US, UN, and the Communist Revolutionary Tactics in Africa

Cabinda was never portuguese the uninvited portuguese presence in Cabinda where only 87 years!

The portuguese arrived uninvited on the shores of the Cabindan Kingdoms of N’Goyo, Kakongo and Loango in the year 1883 and 1884 during which time they where with the mission of searching for the native Chiefs in order to make them believe and force them into “making a treaty” where the portuguese supposedly would protect the Kingdoms of Cabinda from other Nations. 

On the 14 of February 1885 without even being in Cabinda yet the hugely greedy and incompetent portuguese government signs the international Boundaries of Cabinda with the International Association at a Conference in Berlin. Did any one asked the Cabinda nation where its boundaries are, of course not, those who have never been in Cabinda know better than us where the Boundaries of our Nation are.

Only on the 14th of July 1887 the portuguese arrived, and remained in Cabinda until the 25th of April 1974, in other words portugal in the period of 87 years the Portuguese completely devastated the Nation of Cabinda. Cabinda wipes its ass with the unelected MPLA Communist Regime, the immensely greedy Chevron corporation (first facilitator to the MPLA Regime), the incompetent and failed portuguese republic. 

Long live the Cabinda People, Long live Freedom for the Cabindan Nation and its People! 

The Official List of the Henchmen of the MPLA Regime


Looting the country's riches by liquefying the natural assets of the nation through the creation of companies
under the name of family and members of the ruling elite of the MPLA Regime






Cabinda Free State Official Coins

Cabinda Sovereign First Issue Coins 2011

Actions of Governments in Exile

International law recognizes that Governments in Exile may undertake many types of actions in the conduct of their daily affairs.

These actions include:
- Becoming a party to a bilateral or international treaty.
- Amending or revising its own constitution.
- Maintaining military forces.
- Retaining (or "newly obtaining") diplomatic recognition by sovereign states.
- Issuing identity cards.
- Allowing the formation of new political parties.
- Instituting democratic reforms holding elections allowing for direct (or more broadly-based).
- Elections of its government officers, etc.

International Laws on Self-Determination

The right to self-determination — which allows people to secede from a mother state if they so choose — appears in
various international conventions, including the founding document of the United Nations.

International Law Dealing with Self-determination and Territorial Integrity

U.N. Founding Charter (Article 1) — 1945
• One purpose of the United Nations is “to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of
equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace.”

U.N. Resolution 2625 — 1970
• “Every State has the duty to refrain from any forcible action which deprives peoples referred to in the elaboration of
the principle of equal rights and self-determination of their right to self-determination and freedom and independence.”
• “Nothing in the foregoing paragraphs shall be construed as authorizing or encouraging any action which would dismember,
or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent states conducting
themselves in compliance with the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples and thus possessed of a
government representing the whole people belonging to the territory without distinction to race, creed or colour.”

African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Article 20) — 1981
• “All peoples shall have . . . the unquestionable and inalienable right to self-determination. They shall freely determine
their political status and shall pursue their economic development according to the policy they have freely chosen.”

Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe’s Charter of Paris for a New Europe — 1990
• “We affirm that the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of national minorities will be protected.”
• “We reaffirm the equal rights of peoples and their right to self-determination in conformity with the Charter of the
United Nations and with the relevant norms of international law, including those related to territorial integrity of states.”

Vienna Declaration and Program of Action adopted by World Conference of Human Rights — 1993
• The conference recognizes “the right of peoples to take any legitimate action, in accordance with the Charter of the
U.N., to realize their inalienable right of self-determination.”


Cabinda 3 of February 2012

On the 3 of February 2012 a group of Uniformed Men belonging to the military apparatus of the MPLA Regime in Cabinda suffered the loss of 4 soldiers. The men in full military uniform of the Terror Armed Forces of the MPLA where gunned down in the roads near the village of Terra Nova, Ncuto, when the MPLA Communist troops crossed the path of a Cabinda Resistance Patrol Commanded by Captain Joao Sem Medo. The military action took place at 17:00 hours.

The Patriotic Democratic Forces of the Cabinda Resistance suffered only one injured which is now recovering well.

The MPLA Army employs men as soldiers from neighbouring DRC and specifically from the areas of Katanga and Equateur, who speak French, and are commanded by high ranking officers who are either recruited in Sao Tome e Principe or Cape Verde.

The military occupation of Cabinda was sponsored by Fidel Castro in 1975 and Cuban black troops where sent in civilian clothes, at the time the MPLA had no military capacity on its own.

On the other side the total headless, senseless and clueless, and corporate driven American policy towards Cabinda was that the Portuguese should leave sooner rather then latter and where making pressure on the portuguese to leave. We can now understand that the aim was to fuck up Cabinda up its ass by benefit of the confusion that has existed since then. General Themudo Barata approached the American Installations in Cabinda just to be told by them that they don't need any protection. The only ones who asked what would be the future of Cabinda was the British Consul that asked General Themudo what would be the future of Cabinda, to which the General replied I will only give Cabinda to the Cabinda people.

At the time Standard Oil made a deal with the MPLA and the first moneys paid to the Communist Movement was made by the Oil Company Standard Oil.

Misery abounds in Cabinda, we have no Country, we have Cuban troops, Chinese shit walking up and down our streets, selling shit Chinese and useless products and when the oil stops, and the MPLA Communist troops leave we will be eating shit. The same will happen in Nigeria.

Thank you for fucking us up, by creating fucking fictitious countries.

Fuck Communism, Chevron Oil Corporation, French, Portuguese, Chinese, Russian and American Shit!

Long live the British Crown, Long Live Dignity, Long Live Decency, Long Live Ethical and Moral Values

L’armée du Regime MPLA et le FLEC affrontent sur le sol congolais

3 August 2011

Des combats ont opposé dans la nuit de dimanche à lundi 1er août les militaires des forces armées angolaises (FAA) et les rebelles du Front de libération de l’enclave de Cabinda (FLEC). Selon la société civile, ces affrontements ont eu lieu précisément dans les forêts de Madiakoko, une aire protégée de la RDC, précisément à 500 mètres du village Buende du secteur de Maduda et du village Mbamba Dizi, secteur de Nganda Tsundi, à Tshela dans le Bas-Congo.

Les raisons et le bilan de ces accrochages restent pour l’heure inconnues.

Selon la société civile et les sources indépendantes, la population est en fuite dans les villages périphériques et deux compagnies des FAA se sont installées dans cette forêt protégée de Madiakoko en territoire congolais.

De son coté l’administrateur du territoire intérimaire de Tshela, Jean Kenga, a indiqué qu’il ne peut pas confirmer ces allégations de la société civile.

Il a déclaré qu’il attend le rapport de l’équipe qu’il a dépêchée à Tshela pour des enquêtes.

Jean Kenga a ajouté que le calme est revenu dans les secteurs de Maduda et de Nganda Tsundi.

Father Raul Tati Seriously ill in the Prison of the MPLA Communist  Regime!

6 December 2010

Cabinda - The health status of Father Raul Tati is serious. The Human Rights Activist and people elected President of Cabinda under arrest by the unelected MPLA Communist Regime in the Prison of Unit Yabi (UPY) lost much weight and has a serious and complicated cardiac condition.

Serious Health Concerns

Family and friends of Father Raul Tati the heroic leader of the Republic of Cabinda, have denounced yesterday of the very "poor sanitary conditions and the strict rules on visits and food intake at the unelected Communist MPLA regime prison, which leads to show their concern for the health of the Father Raul Tati.

This morning, Mrs Philomena, sister of a former Vicar of the Diocese of Cabinda, informed that the health of her brother is worrying. "

"I could not be with him because he was put in jail, and denied any visitors, but others recluses told me that he can not get up and have a lower blood pressure. His face is pale and has lost much weight that he can not get up", denounced his sister.”

It is recalled that the former Vicar General of the Diocese of Cabinda was arrested on 16 January 2010 and led to the cells of DPIC Secret Police of the MPLA Regime in Cabinda, where conditions of detention do not meet hygiene requirements. Placed in stalls with urine, faeces and no bed Father Raul Tati remained arrest beaten and badly fed.

Today, Father Raul Tati health has weakened in the prison of Yabi. Everything makes believe that his state of health claims for admission. Currently, he has not received any medical visit.

Moreover, family members Reclaim at least half hour visit between the siblings. The question is whether the Comrade Director  of the MPLA Political Yabi Unit Prison will authorize these visits.

Cabinda: Lucky to Be Alive

By Orlando Castro

March 2011

The referendum in South Sudan seems to have led to the Angolan regime stepping up its suppression in Cabinda, with more police on the streets and random arrests abound.

The Angolan regime is not with half measures. And if, in Angola, someone lights a match because they want to smoke, they are liable to be accused of disorder in the colony of Cabinda. Those who light a match are held for wanting to cause a fire.

The streets of Cabinda have at this time more riot police and soldiers than usual. Colonial authorities were told that young people would go into the street celebrating the results of the referendum in Sudan, who voted "yes" on the independence of the South of the country.

But then what is it? Both the Angolans and the Cabindas can only celebrate what the regime allows, and that consists of celebrating the great leader, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, and the great party that is the MPLA. Apart from that, everything is a crime against state security.

Even though not being youths, the main figures of Cabinda have their homes monitored 24 hours a day by police and military. The MPLA does not mess around and therefore kills first and asks questions later, and applies the law that until proven otherwise, everyone is guilty.

According to John Mavungo, civic activist, anyone in the colony of Cabinda who sets foot outside the house is soon subjected to interrogation and searches by officials at the service of the colonial power. Even women who want to go to mass are frisked in the street, or undergo other intimidating actions by the Angolan authorities...they are not going to transport a belt of explosives or who knows, a few Ak-47s ...

It is registered, however, that 11 agents of the National Police from Angola, armed with revolvers and pistols stormed the residence of Prospero Mambuco Sumbo, located in the Gika district in Cabinda city, on the 10th of February.

It was nearly 21 hours when police officers knocked on the door of the house without a warrant to search or capture. They dominated over his wife, Albertina Vango, and the daughter of the activist. They were forced to stay in one room while some of them went to the bedroom, some to the kitchen, without revealing the purpose of the search.

After the search, Albertina Vango was interrogated about the whereabouts of her husband. The interrogation resulted in abuse, two police officers slapped the activist's wife, threatened her with guns and squeezed her neck which was tied with a rag. Mother and daughter were being tortured two hours by the henchmen of President José Eduardo dos Santos.

The agents of the police only left the house after Albertina Vango had said that her husband had left the house at 12 o'clock, accompanied by Alexandre Cuanga, his friend. The efforts took with them the message of the Democratic Block addressed to an activist, Próspero Mambuco Sumbo, at the time of his acquittal on the 22nd of last December.

It is further recalled that Alexander Cuanga and Próspero Mambuco Sumbo have been held (November 10, 2010) and convicted by the Cabinda Provincial Court, on November 16, 2010, the first received one year in prison, and the second six months, for engaging in a "Campaign for a Just Solution of the Question of Cabinda."

After 42 days in detention in the Unit Prison of Yabi (UPY), they were acquitted in the company of Raul Tati, Luemba Francisco, Belchior Tati Lanzo, Andre Benjamin and Jose Zeferino Puati Fuca.

While Angola MPLA Mercenaries in Ivory Coast kill 200
and another
14,000 flee Ivory coast strife

26 December 2010

The MPLA Regime of Angola sent 300 armed military men to kill and who ever opposes Gbagbo the aim is to maintain Mr. Gbagbo in power for ever. The same happened in Zimbabwe when the MPLA Regime after the elections sent 1500 Riot Police to Zimbabwe to shoot to kill any one opposing the regime of Mugabe.

In Angola in the last elections that the MPLA Regime declared a ridiculous 80% win vote, the UNITA and all opposition parties where advised by the media that if they contested the elections the MPLA Regime would send its troops to the streets to shoot and kill anyone opposing the MPLA Fraud and totally absurd 80% election results.

So be very aware and informed that the Angolan Troops sent by the MPLA Regime are there to shoot to kill agenda. Be warned and be safe act accordingly, and get help from the international community to send troops to protect the People and the Republic of Ivory Coast. When Gbagbo had himself sworn in over international objections on December 4, Angola's was one of the only ambassadors not to boycott the ceremony. Angolan MPLA Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who has been in power since 1979.

Global call to Free Cabinda

13 December 2010, LOUISE REDVERS

International lobby group Human Rights Watch has urged the MPLA regime to release four activists serving what they call “politically motivated” jail sentences in the oil-rich exclave of Cabinda.

Concern has also been raised about a new state security law that risks limiting freedom of expression and could lead to more arbitrary and political arrests.

Lawyer Francisco Luemba, Catholic Priest Raul Tati, economist Belchior Lanso Tati and former policemen Benjamin Fuca are serving jail sentences of between three and six years each for supposed links to the rebel group Flec (Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda), which carried out the attack on the Togolese football team at the start of the Africa Cup of Nations in January.

Their arrests are seen as a way of silencing opinion about Cabinda’s long-running independence struggle and the reasons for Flec’s attack.

In August, the four were found guilty under Article 26 of the 1978 state security law that allows for convictions for unspecified “other acts against the security of the state” even if such an act was not “provided for by law”.

It was decided that the four committed a crime by possessing documents about Cabinda’s independence struggle and participating in a meeting with Flec leaders last year, arranged, according to the defence, to promote dialogue about Cabinda’s future.

Lawyers from Angola’s Bar Association tabled an appeal on the grounds that the 1978 legislation — passed during post-independence Angola’s civil war — clashed with the country’s new constitution, which became law in February this year and which states that crimes must be concisely defined. The deadline to respond to the appeal has long passed.

Rule of law Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch, said: “The constitutional court should rule promptly and impartially on the Bar Association’s motion and, should it find Article 26 to be unconstitutional, order those convicted under it to be released immediately.”

Fernando Macedo, a constitutional law expert from Angola’s Lusíada University, said: “The judges must make their decision based on their assessment of the constitution, the law in question and judicial norms. In my view, there is no question that Article 26 is unconstitutional.”

He said the longer the constitutional court took to make its decision, the more suspicious its ­behaviour became.

A new draft of the state security law removing Article 26 has been approved by Parliament, but has yet to be signed off by Ad-vitam President Fulano José Eduardo dos Santos and no time frame has been set to do so.

Peligal said the new law still fell short of international standards on free expression. It was a concern that under Article 25 of the new law “insulting” the MPLA Regime or the president of the MPLA in “public meetings or by disseminating words, images, writings or sound” is a crime against state security, punishable by up to three years in prison.

She also highlighted the fact that the new Article 26 stated that “turmoil, disorder or riots” that “disturb the functioning of organs of sovereignty” are a crime against the security of the state, punishable by up to two years in prison. Although the new law will cover the whole of Angola, it is likely to be more forcefully applied in Cabinda.

In recent years, a number of journalists and civil society members have been arrested, some serving jail terms for supposed state security violations, and last month, two teachers were jailed for inciting civil disobedience by handing out leaflets calling on people in Cabinda not to celebrate Angola’s Independence Day.

The MPLA Regime of Terror Continues

9 December 2010

The MPLA unelected Regime should urgently amend a new state security law that restricts freedom of expression, Human Rights Watch said today. The MPLA Communist Regime also should immediately release human rights defenders convicted under the previous law in the oil-rich occupied Country of Cabinda, Human Rights Watch said.

On the 4th of November 2010, the parliament, which is dominated by the ruling Popular Movement for the Independence of Angola (MPLA) Marxist Communist party, hurriedly passed a revised law on crimes against the security of the state. The law requires the signature of the Communist Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos before it enters into force. While the new law would replace a 1978 law that gives the Regime broad powers to restrict the rights to free speech and assembly, it still falls short of international legal obligations, Human Rights Watch said.

A New Tool of Abuse to Replace the Old

Article 26 of the 1978 state security law permitted convictions for unspecified "other acts against the security of the state," which effectively allowed for the punishment as a criminal act of any activity deemed to endanger the security of the state, even if such an act was "not provided for by law."

However, the new state security law also contains provisions that would restrict the right to freedom of expression and could be used to justify arbitrary detentions. For example, under article 25 of the new law, "insulting" the Republic of Angola or the Dictator of the MPLA in "public meetings or by disseminating words, images, writings or sound" would be considered a crime against the security of the state, punishable by up to three years in prison. Thus, any criticism of the MPLA Communist Dictator that the Communist Regime interpreted as insulting could be considered a criminal offence. This overbroad definition is a clear violation of the right to free expression and should be removed, Human Rights Watch said.

Article 26 of the new law states that "turmoil, disorder or riots" that "disturb the functioning of organs of sovereignty" would be a crime against the security of the state, punishable by up to two years in prison. The lack of definition of the activities that are named in this clause, could restrict the right to peaceful assembly protected under international law, Human Rights Watch said.

The Imprisoned Human Rights Defenders in the occupied country of Cabinda

Five men - among them two prominent human rights defenders, the Catholic Priest Raul Tati and the lawyer Francisco Luemba - were sentenced to prison terms in June and August 2010 under article 26 of the 1978 state security law. They had been arrested following a January 8 attack by gunmen on Togolese football players who were in the enclave of Cabinda to participate in the Africa Cup of Nations. Human Rights Watch has repeatedly called on the MPLA Communist Regime to quash what appear to be politically motivated convictions against these human rights and civic activists and to amend the flawed legal provisions under which they were prosecuted.

The revised state security crime law was one of the first to be passed in parliament after MPLA new constitution was enacted in February 2010. The Communist ruling party used its massive majority to pass the bill speedily, despite calls from opposition parties to amend it. Observers say the law was passed quickly because the government expected the Constitutional Court to revoke article 26 of the 1978 law, which would have invalidated the convictions of the five men.

The Constitutional Court Fails to Meet Legal Deadline

The Constitutional Court should have issued the ruling on Article 26, on a motion by the Angolan Bar Association to declare it unconstitutional, by November 1, before parliament approved the new law. The bar association filed the motion on September 16, following the conviction of four men in Cabinda on August 3. According to MPLA rule, the court has a formal time limit of 45 days to respond to the motion. However, the court still has not ruled nor publicly explained the reasons for this delay.

Should the Constitutional Court rule that article 26 is unconstitutional, all prisoners convicted solely under that article would have to be released. It is unclear whether they would be released once the revised law is promulgated and article 26, under which they were convicted, is revoked.

"The Constitutional Court should rule promptly and impartially on the Bar Association's motion, and should it find article 26 to be unconstitutional, order those convicted under it be immediately released," Peligal said.

Human Rights Watch also reiterated its call on the MPLA unelected Regime, as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council, to take steps to improve the international reputation of its legal system by inviting UN special envoys on freedom of expression and on the independence of judges and lawyers to visit and report on the situation in the country.





The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an independent, permanent court that tries people accused of committing serious Crimes Against Humanity. It tries people who are accused of committing Genocide or involved in War Crimes.

We hereby refer the following official document which relates the scale of the crimes, the nature of the crimes, the manner of commission of the crimes, and the impact of the crimes committed by the MPLA Regime directed by the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos.

The present cases illustrate in detail the true form of state sponsored terror in Cabinda and in Angola. More than one crime within the jurisdiction of the International Justice Court have been committed by the MPLA Regime directed by the Dictator Jose Eduardo dos Santos.

To be judged by the Court in accordance to International Law & International Humanitarian Law

Full Court Case officially Filed:
On the 7th of February 2011 at the Seat of the International Criminal Court in the Hague, Netherlands.

Support the Court Case in the Hague against the MPLA Dictatorship and bring Democracy to Africa

The Court Case against the MPLA Regime presented to the 
International Criminal Court under Art.15 of the Rome Statute

Click here to view the Court Case File

Cabinda is lucky to be alive


The MPLA regime is not with half measures. And if, in Angola, someone lights a match because they want to smoke, they are liable to be accused of disorder in the colony of Cabinda. Those who light a match are held for wanting to cause a fire.

by Orlando Castro Journalist (CP 925)

The streets of Cabinda have at this time more riot police and soldiers than usual. MPLA Colonial authorities were told that young people would go into the street celebrating the results of the referendum in Sudan, who voted "yes" on the independence of the South of the country. But then what is it? Both the Angolans and the Cabindas can only celebrate what the regime allows, and that consists of celebrating the great leader, Jose Eduardo dos Santos, and the great party that is the MPLA. Apart from that, everything is a crime against state security.

Even though not being youths, the main figures of Cabinda have their homes monitored 24 hours a day by police and military. The MPLA does not mess around and therefore kills first and asks questions later, and applies the law that until proven otherwise, everyone is guilty. According to John Mavungo, civic activist, anyone in the colony of Cabinda who sets foot outside the house is soon subjected to interrogation and searches by officials at the service of the colonial power.

Even women who want to go to mass are frisked in the street, or undergo other intimidating actions by the Angolan authorities...they are not going to transport a belt of explosives or who knows, a few Ak-47s ... It is registered, however, that 11 agents of the National Police from Angola, armed with revolvers and pistols stormed the residence of Prospero Mambuco Sumbo, located in the Gika district in Cabinda city, on the 10th of February. It was nearly 21 hours when police officers knocked on the door of the house without a warrant to search or capture. T

hey dominated over his wife, Albertina Vango, and the daughter of the activist. They were forced to stay in one room while some of them went to the bedroom, some to the kitchen, without revealing the purpose of the search. After the search, Albertina Vango was interrogated about the whereabouts of her husband.

The interrogation resulted in abuse, two police officers slapped the activist's wife, threatened her with guns and squeezed her neck which was tied with a rag. Mother and daughter were being tortured two hours by the henchmen of President José Eduardo dos Santos. The agents of the police only left the house after Albertina Vango had said that her husband had left the house at 12 o'clock, accompanied by Alexandre Cuanga, his friend.

The efforts took with them the message of the Democratic Block addressed to an activist, Próspero Mambuco Sumbo, at the time of his acquittal on the 22nd of last December. It is further recalled that Alexander Cuanga and Próspero Mambuco Sumbo have been held (November 10, 2010) and convicted by the Cabinda Provincial Court, on November 16, 2010, the first received one year in prison, and the second six months, for engaging in a "Campaign for a Just Solution of the Question of Cabinda."

In Defence of Integrity and the Cabinda Nation

7 October 2011

In the UN no one speaks about the plight of the Cabinda Nation and its People at the hands of the murderous and evil Cuban formed and Communist Chinese Advised Regime of the MPLA. Even if someone speaks no body cares.

It is shameful that in today's world at the base of every nations interest is greed. In this political, ethical and moral weak times principles of Human Dignity are out of fashion.

We the Cabinda Resistance have the Moral Duty to defend Integrity, Decency and above all Humanity and the humane Spirit itself.

The Parody of present day Governments both in Europe and in the United Stated of America, of which Political Parties rely heavily on “donations” from the Corporate Sector, chiefly the International Multinational Oil Corporations, some of which have no scrupulous, and see no barriers to achieve their ultimate objectives.

This same Oil International Corporations (Chevron among others) a minority of individuals have thus gained unlimited access to Political power and influence. The majority of Citizens are driven to elections where by this Governments heavily financed by Chevron and other International Oil Companies are elected. The Majority of the Citizens who under assumed impression voted for a certain political party to represent his/her vote, instead this present day government represent and defends not the interest of the People who voted for them but chiefly represent and defend the interest of the tiny minority of Citizens which compose the nucleus of the Oil Corporations who financed their electoral campaigns.

Mangovo Ngoyo, Mwana Kabinda

Chevron, a Grossly Unethical Corporation

"For what is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

9 February 2012

The nefast consequences of the immense clueless of the successive American Government Administrations and the actions of the Greedy Corporation Chevron, among others are translated in hundreds of thousands of civilians in Cabinda to be murdered by a criminal gang in the form of the MPLA Regime with direct complicity of Chevron Oil Corporation.

It is, the Natural Aspiration of every Nation to live in peace, this simple and basic aspiration has been denied to the Cabinda Nation by sheer evil greed. The Cabinda Crude Oil will terminate one day, sooner, we pray to God and the Hosts of Heaven. This day shall come, and when it comes in order to bring them to justice we shall proceed to search and capture all those who where driven by greedy beyond all measure. Those who know no Ethics, those who know no Moral Values, those who have no Integrity, and know no wrong doing by supporting and permanently assisting the Criminal bastardly Regime of the MPLA.

In this sense, we accuse the greedy mother fuckers of the Chevron Oil Corporation: responsible of carry out their business in a grossly unethical manner. Further more our concerns are raised by observing that this same company CHEVRON sustains and empowers the dictatorial brutal regime, both the unelected MPLA and the unelected Military Junta in Burma, and is the only American oil company operating in Communist Hugo Chavez Venezuela.

Let it be known that we shall bring into justice in a lawful court of law, all those who have committed atrocities against Humanity in Cabinda and elsewhere.

Cabinda was invaded with communist Cuban military assistance and military personnel even before the so called independence of the so-called Political Creation State of “Angola” country created by the narrow mind of Colonial Rule of the Portuguese Government, a useless bunch of entrenched bureaucrats and incompetents individuals to the core of their own medulla of entrenched deep cronical stupidity.

Mangovo Ngoyo, Mwana Kabinda
Republic of Cabinda, Kilansi Kia Kabinda


"One million Armenians and 30,000 Kurds were killed in these lands, and nobody but me dares talk about it".
Orhan Pamuk

Situation des défenseurs des droits de l’Homme dans la province de Cabinda

15 May 2008

Heavy Military Material supplied by Israel to the Unelected MPLA Communist regime

1 January 2008

On the 31 of December 2007 the Army of the Unelected Dictatorial Regime of the MPLA has reinforced its Armed contingent in the centre of the Nation of Cabinda more precisely in Dinge. There are now 61 Armed vehicles full of armed military personnel. In this precise moment the Armed Forces of the Unelected and Murderous Dictatorial Communist Regime of the MPLA are forming a new regiment with MPLA military personnel brought from the South of the Map of angola. Cabinda is now inundated with MPLA cash troops and Heavy Military Material supplied by Israel.






Chevron sponsoring Communist and Terror worldwide "FUCK CHEVRON GREEDY MOTHER FUCKERS"

Chevron is a company ethically and morally short sighted suffering from deep moral disorientation The greedy mother fucker of Chevron the most versatile oil company experts in partnership and long relations with brutal and totalitarian regimes also operate in Myanmar (Burma) where a evil regime exists, and in Venezuela where a Cuban Style Communist regime is being installed, isn’t it funny that all foreign oil companies out and Chevron is the one staying in place! Chevron No Ethics No Decency no Nothing, Chevron is Evil. 


The MPLA army has tried to suppress the Flec Freedom movement. The MPLA Army is continuing to commit widespread abuses against civilians in the Nation of Cabinda, a human rights group has said. There have been numerous instances of Rape, Murder and detentions in the oil-rich and Militarily occupied Nation of Cabinda. The MPLA Army has sent thousands of troops to subdue the Flec Freedom movement, which calls for independence. Last weekend thousands of Cabindans took to the streets demanding autonomy. We're talking about killings, mainly by the armed forces but also by the police. The fact that these abuses are still going on shows that the situation in Cabinda has not improved. We're talking about women and children being raped, we're talking about putting people in jail only because they are from Cabinda. 

The report called The Reign of Impunity details a series of alleged human rights abuses, and it says the violations are continuing. The unelected MPLA Communist regime was not immediately available for comment. Independence has widespread support from Native and non Native Cabindan civilians, most of whom crave independence. The Republic of Cabinda does not share a border with the rest of Angola - it is sandwiched between Congo Brazzaville and the Democratic Republic of Congo on Africa's west coast. Cabindans insist they are also culturally and historically distinct. And what is also at stake is oil, with Cabinda's crude production accounting for almost half of Angola's total output. 

The unelected MPLA Marxist Regime with strong ties to China, Cuba and Russia has said it wants to keep the occupied Nation of Cabinda in the fold and it has sent thousands of troops to try to quash the separatist rebellion. The fact that these abuses are still going on shows that the situation in Cabinda has not improved.

Chevron's slaughter of the innocents: great minds think alike

Chevron denies it, but what else would you expect them to do? Admit that they hire and pay for death-squads? From Elise Ackerman in The Mercury News:

The bodies of the dead Nigerian villagers had not yet grown cold when the Nigerian navy captain presented Chevron with a bill: 15,000 naira, or $165 for responding to "attacks from Opia village against security agents.''

Within 24 hours Chevron paid up. It would be years before the San Ramon-based energy company would acknowledge the role it played in the destruction of Opia and another small village called Ikenyan in Nigeria's oil-rich delta in January 1999.

The receipt for the January 4 army raid, which left four villagers dead and nearly 70 missing and presumed dead, came to light only this summer as part of a federal lawsuit filed on behalf of the victims in U.S. District Court in San Francisco. It is being reported first on The receipt also is among documents obtained by the Mercury News.

Chevron has denied any responsibility for the death or injuries that occurred that day. Charles Stewart, a Chevron spokesman, said the payment to the captain reflected "a longstanding industry practice of paying a small amount for each day'' to military personnel who protected "the people and the property of the oil companies located in the Niger Delta.''

Here's the Big Joke: Chevron had been engaged in a battle with China's government oil company, CNOOC, for purchase of Unocal Corporation. Chevron has been trying to get Congress to intercede on its behalf, using China's "human rights record" as a major reason (that's on the record; off the record, no one interested in interceding on behalf of Chevron could give a shit about human rights, of course). Now that CNOOC has withdrawn its offer, Chevron is free to acquire Unocal for $1 billion less than their rival's offer.

However now Chevron faces a jury in Federal court in San Francisco. Ackerman's story sets out, in gory detail, the circumstances behind the Opia massacre and evidence for Chevron's deep involvement in it. She sums it up this way: Barbara Enloe Hadsell, an attorney for the villagers said that in addition to paying the security forces, Chevron loaned them [a] helicopter that was used in the attack. She said Chevron personnel not only accompanied the soldiers as they flew to Robin Creek but also directed the pilot to "deviate from his course'' to pursue villagers who were "getting away.''

"That's complete Chevron involvement,'' Hadsell said.

Stewart, the Chevron spokesman, admits that Chevron's Nigerian subsidiary helped transport the military reinforcements to the rig after gunfire was heard on the radio. Stewart also acknowledged that a Nigerian military officer onboard one of the helicopters "discharged a gun during flight.''

But Stewart said Chevron did not authorize the weapons to be fired and that it occurred when no village was in sight. "We are confident as the case progresses, Chevron will be vindicated,'' he said. So what do you think? Do you think a global oil company would stoop so low as to pay Nigerian goons a couple of bucks to exterminate a village that was in their way?

That's funny. That's what we think, too.

Chevron-Texaco and the evil of the MPLA Regime are killing us. Please leave us alone, enough is enough. You are stealing our property, you are raping our women, you are killing our men, you are ending all future hope for the new generation, there is a genocide of the Cabindan People. Every day our people are tortured and murder raped by the Angolan army. If you can stop this today please do help us. We can no longer be passive to the criminality of the unelected MPLA regime and its army, and the direct complicity of Chevron-Texaco we do not believe that the MPLA Regime is unelected and is in essence a criminal organization with the only aim of ripping the Nation of Angola and the Nation of Cabinda of its wealth, for the benefit of the party members leaders.

MPLA Incorporated The State of Corruption by the Communist MPLA regime

Rafael Marques de Morais


During the MPLA Central Committee meeting in Luanda in November 2009, President José Eduardo dos Santos defined his challenges facing his party in terms of three fundamental questions: keeping watch on government, the irresponsibility of government leaders, and fighting corruption with a policy of zero tolerance.

(MPLA is the Portuguese acronym for the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola)

In this investigation I deal with the transfer of state assets to the MPLA’s private businesses through a company called GEFI (Sociedade de Gestão e Participações Financeiras / Management and Business Participation Company), and the consequences of its involvement in such money-making activities. In order to make clear the gap between the leadership’s words and its deeds, I will analyse those three main questions that Dos Santos, both President of the Republic and leader of the MPLA, put forward during his speech when he opened the party Central Committee meeting on 29 November 2009. In this speech Dos Santos spoke of the absence of scrutiny of the acts of government and the irresponsibility and bad faith of political leaders, and announced a zero tolerance policy towards corruption.

Monitoring, irresponsibility and zero tolerance

First, Dos Santos accused his party of incompetence in “monitoring the government’s activities of governance, through the National Assembly and the Tribunal de Contas” – the latter being the statutory body responsible for monitoring the use of state finance. This statement is contradictory. Dos Santos has been chairman of the MPLA and head of government for 30 years. His power in government as well as in the party is total. So it is Dos Santos who bears primary responsibility for the MPLA’s performance in the National Assembly.

The new constitution, approved on 21 January 2010, limits further the National Assembly’s potential to keep a check on the government’s actions, because of the process that it lays down for the election of the president. Rather than being elected directly by the public, or indirectly by elected members of parliament, under the new system proposed by the MPLA the person at the top of the candidate list of the winning party in the election will simply be named president (Article 109). This model invented by the MPLA rules out both the separation of powers and the accountability of the head of government, creating instead an excessive concentration of power in the figure of the President and the leader of the party. In the event that these two roles were not filled by the same person, power would be concentrated in the hands of the chairman of the party, even if he or she were not a member of parliament. In such a case, it is the party leader who chooses who is on the party’s list of candidates for the legislative elections, and which candidate is at the head of the list. The MPLA currently has an absolute majority in the National Assembly, with 191 of the 220 members.

With regard to the Tribunal de Contas, the president made a serious admission that has gone largely unnoticed by the public. In his speech of 29 November 2009 he stated that the MPLA had not been fulfilling its watchdog role through the Tribunal de Contas.

(In 2001, Dos Santos appointed the then MPLA parliamentarian, Julião António, for a three-year term as Presiding Judge of the Tribunal de Contas. On 28 December 2008, José Magalhães, another judge of the tribunal, wrote a letter to the newspaper Seminário Angolense, complaining that Julião António had been occupying his position illegally since 2004 when his mandate ended. Since then, Julião António had not been reappointed in terms of the relevant legislation, which also imposes a two-term limit on incumbency as Presiding Judge. Magalhães notes that any decisions signed by Julião António therefore have no legal force.)

This apparently ignores the fact that the Constitution provides for the separation of powers between the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government, and hence the independence of the courts. It is not the MPLA’s task to monitor the executive by means of the Tribunal de Contas. If the MPLA works through the Tribunal de Contas, this undermines its independence and the ability to perform its role. One example of this is when in 2005 Dos Santos ignored the court’s finding that Isaac dos Anjos, at the time the Angolan ambassador to South Africa, had diverted money from pension funds, and convicted him in 2004 for such an offence. Dos Anjos was promoted to be governor of Huila province, with greater responsibility in terms of managing state funds and state assets.

Second, in the same speech the president condemned “irresponsible people, people of bad faith” for taking advantage of the MPLA’s apathy, and “squandering resources and administrating in a way that is illegal, as well as dangerous or fraudulent”. The people he accused were members of his own administration.

This is the kind of language that the president adopts whenever he feels the need to reaffirm his authority at times of public discontent: he accuses his subordinates indiscriminately and asserts his own innocence. In 2007, during an extraordinary meeting of the central committee of the MPLA, the president condemned members of the government and administration officials over the use of public funds in their own businesses.

In 2001, the president assured citizens that democracy would allow them to participate in combating corruption and government inefficiency. In 1998, while opening the MPLA’s Fourth Congress, Dos Santos said that “corruption is a worrying problem that must be tackled by political and judicial means and by the police if we are not to lose control of it”. At an MPLA Central Committee meeting on 16 February 1996, the president spoke out against the “wild capitalism that has taken root in the country over the last three years” and made clear that this practice among the ruling elite was destroying the MPLA and its fundamental goals: “the equitable distribution of wealth and national resources, solidarity and social justice.” In an address to the nation during the 1996 economic crisis, the president called for transparency in government and measures to prevent corruption and influence peddling, at the government and state levels. Dos Santos promised that he would “put a definitive end to high-level crime, to organised theft and to the pillaging of state assets”.

Nevertheless, corruption continues to define the government’s actions, since the president and head of government has not taken serious and adequate measures to stop the looting of state assets. Responsibility for criminal acts committed by officials must in the first instance fall upon the head of government, who is exclusively responsible for appointing and dismissing members of government and for instructing, supervising and guiding their actions.

Thirdly, during MPLA’s Sixth Congress, on 7 December 2009, Dos Santos repeated his promise of a zero tolerance policy towards corruption. Nearly two months later, neither he nor his government has presented any plan or programme to fight corruption. It has remained nothing but rhetoric. Nevertheless, the idea must be interpreted as an invitation to the nation to denounce publicly acts of corruption at the heart of government and in the public administration, the looting of state asses and the unjustified enrichment of the elite. Such a process of denunciation must be a fundamental step for nation-building, and to allow citizens to start thinking differently and to seek change in the areas of the law, politics, the economy and the ethics of Angolan society. This was what was recommended by the Interdisciplinary Commission to Study the Phenomenon of Corruption in Angolan Society, co-ordinated by the late Minister of Justice, Lázaro Dias, and created by presidential decree 22/90 of 15 September 1990.

The MPLA’s business interests

On 21 September 1992, a week before the first multiparty general elections in Angolan history, leading MPLA figures legally and formally established the ruling party’s business conglomerate GEFI (Sociedade de Gestão e Participações Financeiras: Business Management and Participation Company.) The company’s founding charter was signed by the following people, in the name of the MPLA:

? Francisco Magalhães Paiva, at that time Minster of the Interior, currently Member of Parliament and still a member of the MPLA Political Bureau; 7 José Mateus Adelino Peixoto, then chief of staff of the president, currently secretary general of Support Services to the President of the Republic and member of the MPLA Central Committee.

António de Campos Van-Dúnem, then legal advisor to the President of the Republic.

Augusto Lopes Teixeira, at the time a member of the Political Bureau and chairman of the board of Angola-Telecom, a state-owned company.

Carlos Alberto Ferreira Pinto, Member of Parliament and member of the MPLA Political Bureau.

The Fundação Sagrada Esperança, the foundation which is the party’s social affairs and investment arm.

GEFI’s current business portfolio includes participation in 64 companies operating in the sectors that include hotels, industry, banking, fisheries, media, construction and real estate. Given the range of its business interests, this article presents merely an overview of GEFI’s activities, based on the availability of official documents. Moreover, this investigation focuses, in particular, on how the government has engendered the murky transfer of state assets toGEFI, for MPLA’s financial and patrimonial benefit.


In April 2009 the Angolan authorities granted permission for the airline Fly540 Angola to begin operating in the country. According to public statements by the multinational Lonrho, which has shares in the company, Fly540 flights would initially cover six of the country’s 18 provinces – Cabinda, Luanda, Zaire (Soyo airport), Benguela, Huambo and Malanje – using ATR72 aircraft. GEFI has a majority (51%) shareholding in Fly 540 through its aviation company Planar, while Lonrho holds 49% of the shares and has a right to 60% of the profits, according to Lonrho’s press release of 2 October 2007. Planar contributed through its air service licence, a 1000m2 hangar at Luanda’s 4 de Fevereiro International Airport which was given to it by the state, and offices.

The way in which Fly540 Angola was constituted presents a serious problem in terms of Angolan law. The current secretary of the Council of Ministers, Joaquim António Carlos dos Reis Júnior, in his capacity as manager of businesses for the MPLA and consequently of GEFI, is formally the major shareholder in Planar, with 20% of the shares. In other words, the secretary of the Council of Ministers is GEFI’s figurehead in the aviation business. Four other individuals linked to the MPLA represent, in the name of GEFI, 60% of Planar’s capital. The remaining 20% is in the hands of individual shareholders. Thus GEFI in effect owns 80% of Planar’s capital. Its management model and the way in which it does business are based on the supposed party loyalty of its members. This creates enormous confusion when it comes to distinguishing between the state businesses, party businesses and the private businesses of MPLA and government leaders.

Nevertheless, from the legal point of view, responsibility for the company’s actions lies directly with those who hold shares, and in the case of Planar, the major shareholder is the secretary of the Council of Ministers. Joaquim António Carlos dos Reis Júnior is covered by Article 10 (2) of Law 21/90, the Law on Crimes Committed by Holders of Public Office, which prohibits the holders of public office from participating in private business. Fly540 Angola, in order to operate, requires authorisation from the government, namely from the Transport Minister, Augusto Tomás. He, in turn, requires the authorisation of the secretary of the Council of Ministers in order to submit any kind of proposal for consideration by the council. The institutional relationship between Augusto Tomás and Joaquim António Carlos dos Reis Júnior creates a situation of influence peddling, according to the definition laid down in the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (Article 18, a, b), the SADC Protocol Against Corruption (Article 3,1,f), and the African Union Convention Against Corruption (Article 4, 1, f). These articles have been incorporated into Angolan law, and contravening them is punishable under Article 321 of the Angolan Penal Code, with aggravating circumstances provided for under Article 4(1) of the Law on Crimes Committed by Holders of Public Office.

Lonrho, in turn, by associating itself with Planar, whose major shareholder, Joaquim António Carlos dos Reis Júnior, is in government and therefore able to influence its relationship with the state, creates a situation susceptible to active corruption according to the similar definitions in the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (Article 15, a), the SADC Protocol Against Corruption (Article 3, 1, b), and the African Union Convention Against Corruption (Article 4, 1, b).

Lonrho is a company listed on the Johannesburg and London Stock Exchanges. 


In Luanda, GEFI owns the Hotel Tivoli, has a 20% share in Hotel President Le Meridien (20%), and benefited from a 20% concession in the shares of Serafim L. Andrade, the company that owns the Hotel Trópico, through the Minister of Industry’s Despatch no 55/00 of 10 March 2000. The other 80% is owned by the investor, the Portuguese construction company Teixeira Duarte. Also in the capital city, the privatisation process awarded to GEFI the site of Farol Velho, a restaurant on Ilha de Luanda, which has been destroyed to make way for a new hotel project. GEFI also has 25% of the shares in Hotel Turismo, which previously housed some of UNITA’s leadership and which was consequently destroyed during the fighting after the 1992 elections, while a further 25% of shares are held by Sogec, a subsidiary of GEFI. A new Hotel Turismo is planned for the site.

On 20 May 2009, the state sold two properties in Luanda to GEFI for token prices. Hotel Zimbo cost US$527,000, and a residential, in Largo do Pelourinho, went for US$260,000.

The state has also granted GEFA ownership or part ownership of the biggest hotel in Cabinda, Hotel Mayombe (51%), the Hotel Central (80%) in Luanda, and Hotel Grão Tosco (100%) in Benguela.

Breweries On 16 September 2005, Resolution 65/05 of the Council of Ministers approved the privatisation of the Cuca brewery, after the state secretly transferred 50% of its shares in the brewery to Soba, a holding company owned by the MPLA, GEFI and Brasseries Internationales Holding (BIH), part of the French Castel group. The latter, as the only foreign investor, received 13% of the shares in Cuca. The French company holds 75% of Soba’s capital, and GEFI 25%. Although it is an MPLA company, no one knows what contributions GEFI has made in its partnership with BIH, in contrast, for example, to the partnership with Lonrho in Fly540. Nevertheless, it is important to look at how the government handled the creation of the business deal. The Council of Ministers is chaired by Dos Santos, who, in approving the privatisation of Cuca, was clearly enhancing his own party’s business portfolio and the business interests of the presidential inner circle – including Adelino Peixoto, secretary general of the Presidency of the Republic – and other privileged government figures.3 Being leader of the MPLA and at the same time chairing the Council of Ministers, which approves the handing over of state assets to GEFI, puts the President of the Republic in a serious situation of conflict of interests and in an embarrassing position with respect to what happens to GEFI’s profits: something that remains unknown even by some members of the Political Bureau. I return to this issue in the concluding remarks.

3 For more information on who benefited from the brewery privatisations, see

Media, propaganda and telecommunications The MPLA has been the main beneficiary of the government’s project to create Angola’s first four commercial FM radio stations since independence. The radio stations were set up entirely with state funds in 1992, but ownership was transferred mostly to GEFI, the MPLA’s holding company. Through its subsidiary A Foto, GEFI owns 60% of Luanda Antena Comercial (LAC), while the remaining 40% is held by the journalists José Rodrigues, Luísa Fançony and Mateus Gonçalves. In Benguela, GEFI through its subsidiary Sopol owns 80% of Radio Morena, of which the remaining shares are owned by António Mendes Filipe, a private individual. In Huila province another GEFI subsidiary, Pontual S.A., has 75.50% of the shares in Rádio 2000, while its managers Horácio Reis and Carlos Andrade own the rest. In Cabinda, GEFI’s subsidiary Orion owns 60% of Rádio Comercial de Cabinda, with the rest being owned by two former local directors, André Filipe Luemba (20%) e Pedro Simba (20%).

Orion itself is an interesting case regarding the boundaries between the state and the ruling party. Orion is a partnership between GEFI, with 70%, the former Minister of Social Communication (1992-2005) and current ambassador to Egypt, Hendrick Vaal Neto, who holds 11%, Minister of Planning Ana Dias Lourenço, who holds 5%, and other figures within the MPLA who own the remaining 14% of the shares. Since 1992, Orion has been the lynchpin of government and MPLA propaganda. This company provides facilities and serves as a front for the Brazilian firm M’Link, owned by Sérgio Guerra, which plans, produces and oversees the broadcasting of MPLA and government propaganda in the media.

Over the past 10 years, the Ministry of Social Communication has paid about $24 million per year to M’Link for its services to the government and the MPLA, without distinguishing between the two. This agreement was signed by Hendrick Vaal Neto, who has also benefited directly from the profits from this work, in contravention of the Law on Crimes Committed by Holders of Public Office, which prohibits people in government from using state functions and contracts to their own benefit.

M’Link’s managing director is the journalist and MPLA parliamentarian Luís Domingos, who in partnership with Francisca Pacavira holds 10% of the shares. For several years now, Luís Domingos has presented the weekly propaganda programme “Angola em Movimento” (Angola on the move), which is produced by M’Link on behalf of Orion and broadcast on the state television station, TPA. The Constitution (Article 82,1,c) states that the duties of a Member of Parliament are incompatible with serving as managing director of a private company. Luís Domingos has not declared this conflict of interests and continues to play both roles with the blessing of the MPLA leadership. Pontual is a screen printing business privatised by the state: its shareholders comprise GEFI (70%), the secretary general of the MPLA, Julião Mateus Paulo “Dino Matross” (5%), the chairman of the board of GEFI and member of the MPLA Political Bureau Mário António de Sequeira e Carvalho (5%), and while the remaining 20% is shared among the company’s former managers and party activists.

Other state businesses that were handed over to GEFI as majority shareholder are A Foto (73%), as well as the printing presses Gráfica Impresso (41%), in Benguela, and Edigráfica (27%).

Banking and finance In the banking sector, GEFI is the main shareholder in Banco Sol, holding 55% of shares through its subsidiary Sansul, according to Banco Sol’s latest annual report. Sansul’s capital is in turn owned 99% by GEFI, while four MPLA members share a token 1%. Direct shareholders in Banco Sol, each with 5%, include first lady Ana Paula dos Santos, the vice-chairman of the National Assembly and member of the MPLA Political Bureau, João Lourenço, and the MPLA parliamentarian and former minister of finances Júlio Bessa.

Banco Comercial Angolano is controlled by ABSA / Barclays (50%) as investor, while GEFI holds a mere 1.8% of the shares. But leading figures in the regime are numbered among the shareholders, including the MPLA secretary general Julião Mateus Paulo, the ministers of Transport and Fisheries, Augusto Tomás and Salomão Xirimbimbi, the governor of Huila province, Isaac dos Anjos, and members of parliament Fernando França Van-Dúnem and Dumilde Rangel. GEFI’s interests also extend to offshore companies, namely Faierden, which it owns outright, and Invest, in which it has a 20% share. Both companies are registered in Panama, but little else is known about their finances or their business activities.

Industry In the industrial sector, GEFI’s role is curious when compared to that of MPLA leaders. The government transferred ownership of the country’s main flourmills to GEFI without any tender, while the leading figures in the regime enjoy substantial shares in petroleum and diamond concessions, for their personal benefit. The milling business is nevertheless of great political, economic and social importance since it means partial control over the manufacture of bread, an important food for the whole country, and maize flour, which is the staple diet of southern Angola.

On 14 July 2008, the Minister of Industry, Joaquim David, and the then Secretary of State for Public Enterprise, Augusto Tomás, drew up Joint Executive Decree no 91/08, with reference to the total privatisation of the Cimor mill in Matala, Huila province. The beneficiaries were Seipo, a GEFI subsidiary (50%), local businessman Fernando Borges (35%) and other smaller shareholders including workers and local professionals (15%). Seipo, in turn, is owned 55% by GEFI, while MPLA parliamentarians João Marcelino Typinge and Alfredo Berner, as well as Defence Minister Kundy Paihama, have 14% of Seipo’s shares between them, while other MPLA figures own the remainder.

From a legal point of view, the transfer of shares from the state to Seipo involves influence-peddling. Law 21/90 (Article 10,2) prohibits members of the government – in this case, the Defence Minister – from participating in business in which the state is also involved. Until May 2008, Cimor was producing 300 tons of maize flour per day. According to information that its manager, Edgar Macedo, gave to Jornal de Angola, the mill intended to triple its daily production to improve the supply to the south of the country.

The decree in question explained the privatisation “in terms of a strategy to develop the food industry and to refurbish and increase the productive capacities of the maize milling industry” as well as “to make the private sector participate in the development of these industries.

Ten years before, on 31 July 1998, the then Ministers of Industry and of Finance, Manuel Duque e Alcântara Monteiro, had drafted Joint Executive Decree no 39/98, for the total and direct privatisation of the Heróis de Kangamba mill in Viana, Luanda, to the benefit of GEFI (60%) and its subsidiary Sengoservice (40%). According to the ministers’ explanation, the privatisation took place “in terms of the strategy to develop the food industry and the Bread Programme” and “to make the private sector participate in those industries”. After privatisation, the mill – the biggest in Angola – was renamed Moagem Kwaba. GEFI subsequently sold 45% of its shares to a foreign investor, the US-based Seabord. Nevertheless, since 2006 Kwaba has not been in operation due to managerial and investment problems.

As part of the strategy already referred to, and as part of the institutional norms for the privatisation process, all the mills ought to have been sold on the open market, with guaranteed shares for workers and small local shareholders. Formally, the ministers of Industry and of Finance announced that privatisation would be undertaken through public tenders in the case of 60% of the shares of the Saidy Mingas and Aliança mills in Lubango, Huila province. Another example of public bidding in the same sector was the privatisation of shares in the Empresa Industrial de Produtos Alimentares (EMPAL – Industrial Food Production Company) in favour of Fundo Lwini, which belongs to first lady Ana Paula dos Santos. In Joint Executive Decree no 31/00 of 21 April 2000, the then ministers of Finance and of Industry, Joaquim David and Albina Assis, declared that “there was no public participation by individual or collective entities” and, consequently transferred ownership of the firm directly to the first lady. Although this deal represents influence peddling in favour of President Dos Santos’s wife, the trick of supposedly opening the deal to public tender demonstrates how MPLA leaders comply with the law and the rules of transparency selectively and at their own convenience.

GEFI, though its subsidiary Sogepang, also received 20% of the shares in Cerangola, the second biggest grain processing factory in the country, in Benguela. Seabord was also asked to contribute its know-how to this project. The MPLA’s taste for the bread business extends also to the Sociedade dos Industriais de Panificação de Luanda (Luanda Baking Industries Partnership – Sopão), in which GEFI is the second-largest shareholder, with 20% in relation to Martal’s 35%.

Yet despite the privatisations, the state continues to intervene in the sector through mechanisms that raise further doubts. At the Conference on the Re-launching of the Food Processing Industry 2009-2012, held in May last year, the government announced an investment in $100 million in the construction of two wheat mills, with a production capacity of 1000 tons per day. JP Morgan and local banks will lend the money for the construction of the factories, which are to be built in the provinces of Bengo and Kwanza-Sul.

At the same conference, the director of studies and planning in the Ministry of Industry, José Gonçalves, unveiled plans for the imminent rehabilitation of the Kwaba, Cerangola and Saydi Mingas mills – the latter in Huila province – at a total cost of $33 million, to be raised from local banks.

In the projects announced at the conference, the line between public and private investment is blurred. The government has increased investment in industry and other sectors, only to give away ownership of assets, virtually for free, to businesses that belong to government officials. This, however, is another story to be dealt with in due course.

The motor industry A clear example of the use of state power to the benefit of the private businesses of the MPLA and the country’s ruling families is the case of the Volkswagen and Skoda vehicle assembly plant in Angola. On 23 December 2004, the Council of Ministers passed Resolution 39/04, authorising Agência Nacional de Investimentos Privados (National Private Investments Agency – ANIP) to enter into an investment contract with the American Company Ancar Worldwide Investments Holding, worth $48 million. On 26 January 2005, ANIP initialled the contract for the assembly of 160 cars per day at Pólo Industrial in Viana, Luanda.

This contract was signed after Ancar undertook to hand over 49% of the shares in its Angolan offspring to five Angolan-based companies, namely:

Acapir Lda, a company that belongs to the President’s daughter, Welwitchia dos Santos, usually known as Tchizé dos Santos.

Mbakassi & Filhos, official representative of Volkswagen in Angola;

GEFI, the MPLA’s company;

Suninvest, investment arm of the Fundação Eduardo dos Santos (FESA), the President’s private institution;

Tchany Perdigão Abrantes, cousin of Tchizé dos Santos.

Three days after the contract was signed, the chairman of FESA, Ismael Diogo, called a meeting at FESA’s headquarters, with a representative of Ancar, Carlos Garcia, the owner of Mbakassi & Filhos, António Mosquito, and as a witness, the then administrator of FESA and chairman of Suninvest, António Maurício.

Ismael Diogo called the meeting, as stated in the minutes, “according to a mandate from His Excellency the President of the Republic, Engineer José Eduardo dos Santos, to clarify the circumstances and the reality that ACAPIR Lda. would have to participate in the “Ancar – Automóveis de Angola” partnership, owing to the fact that one of the shareholders was the daughter of the Head of State, to obtain his favour for the approval of the investment project.

Mbakassy & Filhos felt cheated at having had 16% of the quota meant for them taken away in order to accommodate the president’s daughter, who was then named vice-chair of the board of Ancar – Automóveis de Angola. According to the minutes, “at no time did Ancar Worldwide Investments Holding explain the offer of 16% to ACAPIR Lda. in order to benefit from the favours of His Excellency the President of the Republic in the approval of the project.” The final decision in the Council of Ministers to approve Ancar’s project rested with President dos Santos, as head of government. The point worth noting about the Ancar case is that a business row, not a dispute about the legality and transparency of the deal, took place at government level. Dos Santos was involved in a blatant act of influence peddling, in favour of his foundation, his daughter, and his party’s company GEFI, which received 12% of the shares in the project. The case was considered worthy of a second stakeholders’ meeting in order to redistribute the shares among the presidential family, the MPLA’s business interests and those of Mosquito, a businessmen who has benefited from the MPLA’s wealth distribution policies. Nevertheless, according to information published in the German press in July 2005, the chairman of Volkswagen, Bernd Pischetsrieder, delayed the plans to install the assembly plant owing to allegations of corruption surrounding the project.

Also in the motor industry, GEFI was the direct beneficiary of the privatisation of the Mabor tyre factory, now renamed Pneucar. GEFI received 60% of the shares in the company that owns the factory, which is currently not operational.

Other businesses

In the retail business, GEFI benefited from the privatisation of the country’s largest hypermarket, Jumbo, in Luanda. GEFI formed a partnership with the third-biggest French company in the sector, the Auchan group, GEFI taking 51% of the shares while the French company has since 1996 owned 30% of Jumbo’s capital. Other partners, including the current secretary of the Council of Ministers, Joaquim Reis Júnior, and others linked to the regime control 19% of the shares.

In the construction sector, the biggest growth area of the last few years, GEFI gained 20% ownership of the metal structures factory set up by the Portuguese company Martifer in Viana, Luanda. Martifer is in turn a subsidiary of the Portuguese construction firm Mota-Engil, which is expanding its business interests in Angola through establishing partnerships with influential figures in the regime. This type of investment pattern is the secret of the success of most of the Portuguese and other foreign companies that are doing well in the Angolan market.

On the other hand, when it is unable to attract a foreign investor and manager, GEFI’s day-to-day management capacity is notable. Its subsidiary Sengoservice, which manages Feira Popular (People’s Fair), in Luanda, has turned the country’s biggest amusement park into an informal market selling clothes and household goods.

The MPLA’s accumulation of private property, through the privatisation of state assets, also includes the fixed and mobile assets of the old button factory that is currently out of use, and bookshops in the city of Luanda. GEFI also sold thousands of Christmas hampers to state and private institutions, through its subsidiary Dilog, managed by a foreign national by the name of Amin Herji. GEFI has negotiated with the Ministry of Fisheries over the management of the Kapiandalo fish-processing factory in Benguela as well as receiving 60% of the company’s shares, with no public consultation, and no consideration to what benefit the deal might have for the state. Still in the fishing sector, GEFI co-owns Epata Fishing, which is licensed to fish in Nambian waters, as well as having shares in other fishing companies.

The MPLA’s incursions into the private security business are also worth noting. GEFI is the sole owner of Socorro, which protects the party headquarters and other buildings as well as its leaders. Sambiente, another GEFI company, is also involved in industrial security despite current problems.

On 16 March 2006, GEFI formed a partnership with the state businesses Sonangol (petroleum), Endiama (diamonds), Porto de Luanda (harbour), Fundo de Desenvolvimento Económico e Social (social and economic development fund), Grupo Ensa (insurance) and a further 18 private entities, as founding partners in the Angolan Stock Exchange (Bolsa de Valores e Derivativos de Angola), which was constituted as a limited company and is expected to start operating soon.


Despite various enquiries to people close to the government about the MPLA’s businesses, all that emerges is a consensus about the lack of information, even by the party’s Central Committee and Political Bureau, about the amount of capital that GEFI has acquired, how it is managed, its annual profits and where the money ends up.

After the party’s Fifth Congress in 2003, its chairman, José Eduardo dos Santos, put Manuel Vicente, a Central Committee member and chairman of the board and CEO of state oil company Sonangol, to audit the MPLA’s business interests with a view to better management and better returns. Yet what happens to the profits remains a mystery, as does the question of financial management.

In contrast, some figures in the MPLA speak of the exemplary way in which Maboque, another holding company created by the party, has presented its accounts and duly contributed to the MPLA’s coffers. Maboque is a company that has secured its reputation in Angolan society by offering an annual journalism prize worth US$ 100 000. João Melo, an MPLA parliamentarian and the director of the magazine África 21, won the prize in 2009. Still, the way in which the MPLA uses the contributions from Maboque raises other questions, which will have to be the subject of a future article on Maka Angola.

The transfer of state assets to GEFI must be understood in the institutional context of the dividing up of state resources among certain figures: the families of the political elite and their Angolan and foreign associates. From the research that I have been doing in the past three years, I have learnt of the workings of an office in the External Intelligence Services (SIE) which has been involved in the allocation of business privileges to political leaders, their families, associates and people co-opted. The office in question sets up companies, chooses their shareholders and suggests which state assets should be given to them, and which foreign investors should be brought on board as partners. The final decision in this regard always rests with the President of the Republic.

During an extraordinary party congress in 1980, the MPLA’s biggest decision was the “subordination of the state and all economic and social activity” under the party’s leadership. The subsequent liberalisation of the economy has been used to bring about a system even more perverse than the one created by the MPLA 30 years ago. Nowadays, the state, all economic and social activity in the country, not to mention the MPLA’s own structures, have been brought under the absolute private control of the business interests that benefit the ruling families.

With respect to the MPLA’s role as a party of the left, concerned with the situation of the most disadvantaged members of society, reaffirmed in its Sixth Congress, in December 2009, the reality is different and the ideology is irrelevant. The concept of social solidarity and equal opportunity applies only to select members of the ruling elite who have been given the task of looting the country.

Cabinda Human rights activist decries prison

The Associated Press 30 November 2010

Seven months in jail - the first few days without food, water or visitors - have only strengthened the resolve of an Cabinda human rights activist, he told The Associated Press a week after his release.

Antonio Paca Panzo responded to AP questions Monday. Last week, after seven months and 12 days imprisoned in oil-rich, militarily occupied Cabinda Nation, he was freed because of lack of evidence.

Panzo was apparently arrested for having T-shirts emblazoned with the faces of four Cabinda activists who had been arrested in January and were accused of responsibility in a deadly attack on the Togo team bus as it headed to the African Cup of Nations.

Panzo said visitors were barred, he was denied food and water for the first three days, and he was forced to sleep on the floor with no blanket. The smell of feces and urine was "nauseating," he said.

"Even if I had had food it wouldn't have been easy to keep anything down in those conditions," he said. "I wouldn't like anyone else to go through that, which is why I believe the fight for human rights must go on."

We ask for a minute of silence for all those that have felt in combat for a better and Free Cabinda.

The invasion of Cabinda 11 of November 1974 (PDF)

News cover of the Invasion of the Republic of Cabinda on the 11 of November 1974 by the MPLA (PDF)

They where financially supported by the Oil Giant Chevron, Chevron paid the MPLA to take over the Cabindan oil fields, has informed to us by the last Civil and Military Governor General Themudo Barata.
The Nation of Cabinda became a Portuguese Protectorate since the signing of the Treaty of Simulambuco in 1885, and became known as the Portuguese Congo from the earliest 1900 onward.

MPLA troops are still occupying Cabinda. The American Oil Company Chevron is participating along side the MPLA occupying force in raping and murdering the Cabindas.

We Cabindas live in misery because of the Greed of an American Oil Company - Chevron. We Cabindas have no quarrel with the American people but the greed and the exploitation of their Oil Companies have brought misery and death to Cabinda.

The MPLA should immediately end its occupation and brutal repression in Cabinda.

The Republic of Cabinda was never legally integrated into Angola after the end of the portuguese presence in 1974.

It is sad to say but we cannot count with the portuguese authorities to comply with their historical responsibilities.

They seem unaware.

"We wish Peace for Angola and wish that Angola leave us in Peace"

The Reality of Cabinda - A Realidade de Cabinda

MPLA soldier’s rape beat Congolese migrants - group

6 Dec 2007

By Paul Simao

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - The medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres said MPLA soldiers have raped, beaten and tortured illegal Congolese migrant workers before deporting them across the border.

The French humanitarian group said the rights abuses were occurring in the diamond-rich province Luanda Norte, which borders the Democratic Republic of Congo. It described the rapes as "pervasive and systematic".

"The women and men are separated. The rapes are very systematic and the men are also beaten up and tortured," Meinie Nicolai, MSF's director of operations, said in a press conference in Johannesburg.

Nicolai said on Wednesday some migrants had died as a result of the violence, while others had been exposed to HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases.

Many victims said they were detained at the border without food and water and forced to endure body cavity searches, she added.

An estimated 400,000 Congolese live in northern Angola, with a large number of them employed illegally in mines. Angola, Africa's third largest diamond producer, has ramped up efforts to expel the migrants.

An estimated 44,000 have been sent back to the DRC in the past year, according to the United Nations.

MSF said its findings were based on interviews conducted with at least 100 women in the DRC after their expulsions from Angola. Nicolai said MSF had presented the information to Angolan diplomats, but added that they had not taken action.

The allegations follow similar reports by other human rights groups.

The MPLA government typically does not respond to criticism from Western rights groups.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cabinda meeting the last Portuguese Governor or Portugal in Cabinda, General Themudo Barata a great friend of Cabinda who was forced by Lisbon to give the control of Cabinda to the MPLA. General Themudo Barata informed Lisbon that he would not give Cabinda to nobody , but only the Cabinda People. Lisbon then sent communist faction military officers to remove General Themudo Barata and gave the control to the unelected MPLA party backed by Cuba and the Soviet Union. At the Cabinda airport the MPLA soldiers slapped General Themudo Barata in his face.

Mangovo Ngoyo Muana Kabinda avec le dernière gouverneur civils et militaire de Cabinda Général Themudo Barata un grand ami du peuple de Cabinda. Dans cette rencontre en 14 April 2004, le général a expliqué exactement ce qui s'est passé dans les derniers jours avant l'occupation de Cabinda par le MPLA.

A invasao dos Cubanos em Cabinda Operacao Carlota

 Ou como os Cubanos Comunistas meteram o penis no cu do governo portugues e todavia tem o penis no cu dos governantes portugueses.

Para a PUTA que PARIO o governo de da falida republica de portugal (enclave de espanha)
Filhos da Puta que deixou os Avioes Cubanos com tropas Cubanas fazer escala nos Azores levando tropas para invadir Cabinda, para a merda que os pario o governo de merda de portugal.

limpao o cu com as accoes dos governantes portugueses

O MPLA não tinha tropas em 1974 dizia o General Temudo Barata as tropas do MPLA eram tropas Cubanas que os Cubanos enviaram só as tropas de descendência africana para que passar como nativos, mas que em realidade o MPLA não tinha tropas. Ou seja em 1974 o regime comunista de Fidel Castro invadiu e fudeu Cabinda e para maior estupidez o governo portugues deixa os Cubanos entrar em Cabinda para fuder os Cabindas em vez de proteger os Cabindas. 

Informou o General Temudo Barata que ele como Governador Militar e Civil de Cabinda só entregava Cabinda aos Cabindas mas que desde portugal os Generais Vermelhos (Comunistas) Rosa Coutinho era o representante da ala vermelha, ideologicamente colada ao Partido Comunista Português, Era um dos militares do MFA (Movimento das Forças Armadas), substituiu Silvino Silvério Marques, que se demitira, passando em Outubro a presidente da Junta Governativa de Angola. Ficou até à assinatura do Acordo de Alvor. Corporizou a aliança entre o MFA e o Partido Comunista Português e concebeu a estratégia do MPLA no fim da guerra.

Cuban Military members of the Central Cuba Committee " Comité Central komprtii Cuba" Risket Jorge Valdez


Unlike Portugal's other African possessions, which had made relatively peaceful transitions to independence months earlier, by November 11, 1975, Angola was in chaos. In the absence of a central government to which Portuguese officials could relinquish control, Portugal refused to recognize any faction; instead, it ceded independence to the people of Angola. The MPLA subsequently announced the establishment of its regime in Luanda and called the territory it controlled the People's Republic of Angola.

The FNLA and UNITA announced a separate regime with headquarters in the southern city of Huambo and called their territory the Democratic People's Republic of Angola. But because of continuing hostility between them, the FNLA and UNITA did not set up a government until December 1975, nor did they attempt to fuse their armies. Moreover, the FNLA-UNITA alliance received no formal recognition from other states, mostly because of its South African support. In general, the international community, particularly other African states, viewed South African involvement in favor of the FNLA and UNITA as a legitimization of Soviet and Cuban support for the MPLA.

By January 1976, with the support of some 10,000 to 12,000 Cuban troops and Soviet arms worth US$200 million, it was clear that the MPLA had emerged as the dominant military power. By February 1976, the FNLA and its mercenaries had been defeated in northern Angola; under international pressure, South African troops had withdrawn into Namibia; and the MPLA was in control in Cabinda. Furthermore, United States assistance to the FNLA and UNITA ceased following the passage by the United States Senate of the Clark Amendment, which prohibited all direct and indirect military or paramilitary assistance to any Angolan group. The OAU finally recognized the MPLA regime as Angola's official government, as did the UN and Portugal and more than eighty other nations.

Cuban invasion of Cabinda in support of the MPLA Communist Regime

Operation Code Name: Carlota

Cuba's first intervention, Operation Carlota It was only after the MPLA debacle at Catengue that the Cubans became fully aware of the South African invasion, that Luanda would be taken and that their training missions were in grave danger unless they took immediate action. Neto had requested immediate and massive reinforcements from Havana at the urging of Argüelles. On 4 November Castro decided to launch an intervention on an unprecedented scale codenaming the mission ‘’’Operation Carlota’’’ after ‘Black Carlota’, the leader of a slave rebellion in 1843. The same day, a first plane with 100 heavy weapon specialists, which the MPLA had requested in September, left for Brazzaville, arriving in Luanda on 7 November. On November 9 the first two Cuban planes arrived in Luanda with the first 100 men of a contingent of a 652-strong battalion of elite Special Forces. The first priority of the Cubans was helping the MPLA to keep hold of Luanda. Fidel Castro explained the Cuban intervention: "When the invasion of Angola by regular South African troops started 23 October, we could not sit idle. And when the MPLA asked us for help, we offered the necessary aid to prevent Apartheid from making itself comfortable in Angola".

With Operation Carlota Cuba became a major player in the conflict. Unlike its foreign engagements in the sixties this was no secret operation. Castro decided to support Angola in all openness, sending special forces and 35,000 infantry by the end of 1976, deploying them at Cuba's own expense and with its own means from November 1975 to January 1976. As on its previous missions all personnel were volunteers and the call-up was extremely popular. Air transportation for quick deployments proved to be a major problem. Cuba only had three ageing medium-range Bristol Britannia turboprop planes not fit to make 9,000 km non-stop transatlantic crossings. Nevertheless, between 7 November and 9 December the Cubans managed to run 70 reinforcement flights to Luanda. Initially they were able to make stops in Barbados, the Azores or Newfoundland prompting pressure from Washington to deny Cuba landing rights. But moving take-offs to Cuba's easternmost airport, Holguin, taking as little weight as necessary and adding additional tanks, the planes were used for numerous runs across the ocean until the Soviets pitched in with long-distance jet planes.

For the bulk of the troops and the equipment the Cubans commandeered all available ships in its merchant marine, the first three sailing from Havana on 8 November. They docked in Luanda on 27 and 29 November and 1 December bringing 1,253 troops and equipment.

The deployment of troops was not pre-arranged with the USSR, as often reported and depicted by the US-administration. On the contrary, it also took the USSR by surprise. The Soviets were forced to accept the Cuban troop deployment so as not to endanger relations with their most important ally in close proximity to the United States. But they had in mind to keep a lid on the extent of the Cuban engagement and merely sent arms and a few specialists to Brazzaville and Dar-es-Salaam. It was only two months later after the fighting swung in favour of the Cubans and the US passed the Clark Amendment that Moscow agreed to a degree of support by arranging for a maximum of 10 transport flights from Cuba to Angola.

With the FNLA attacking from the east the situation for the MPLA only a few days before independence looked dim. In addition to this, Cabinda was under threat of invasion by a FLEC-Zairian force. The Cuban troops able to intervene before the declaration of independence on 11 November were basically the ones posted in the three CIRs, the 100 specialists that arrived in Luanda on 7 November and the first 164 special forces of Operation Carlota arriving on two planes on the evening of 8 November. The 100 specialists and 88 men of the special forces were immediately dispatched to the nearby front at Quifangondo where the FNLA-Zairian force had launched an assault that very morning. They supported 850 FAPLA, 200 Katangans and one Soviet advisor. First heavy weapons had already arrived from Cuba by ship on 7 November, among them canons, mortars and 6 of the infamous BM-21 (Katyusha) multiple rocket launchers. The Cubans received reports that the expected invasion of Cabinda had started on the morning of 8 November.

Photo with a Group of Cuban Military with a Russian Military Adviser

The northern front and Cabinda 

The invasion of Cabinda was conducted by three FLEC and one Zairian infantry battalions under the command of 150 French and American mercenaries. The MPLA's had the 232 Cubans of the CIR, a freshly trained and an untrained FAPLA infantry battalion at its disposal. In the ensuing battle for Cabinda from 8 – 13 November they managed to repel the invasion without support from Operation Carlota, thus saving the country of Cabinda for Angola.

Two days before independence the most imminent danger for the MPLA came from the northern front where the FNLA and its allies stood east of Quifangondo. 2,000 FNLA troops were supported by two battalions of Zairian infantry troops (1,200 men), 120 Portuguese mercenaries, a few resident advisors, among them a small CIA contingent, and 52 South Africans led by General Ben de Wet Roos. They were manning the artillery provided by the SADF which had been flown into Ambriz only two days before.

After artillery bombardment on Luanda and Quifangondo through the night and a bombing raid by the South African air force in the early hours the final attack of the FNLA was launched on the morning of 10 November. The attacking force was ambushed and destroyed by the FAPLA-Cuban forces. Cuban forces also bombarded their South African and FNLA enemies with BM-21 Grad rocket launchers which had been put into place only the night before, and were well out of range of the antiquated South African guns. The defeat of the FNLA in the Battle of Quifangondo secured the capital for the MPLA. On the same day the Portuguese handed over power "to the people of Angola" and shortly after midnight Neto proclaimed independence and the formation of the ’’People's Republic of Angola’’’. Urged by the CIA and other clandestine foreign services FNLA and UNITA announced the proclamation of a Democratic People's Republic with the temporary capital at Huambo. Yet, UNITA and FNLA could not agree on a united government and fighting between them already broke out in Huambo on the eve of independence day. On the day of independence the MPLA held little more than the capital and a strip of central Angola inland toward Zaire and the exclave of Cabinda. On 4 December the FAPLA-Cubans launched a counter-offensive against the FNLA. But with Luanda and Cabinda secured and the defeat of the FNLA at Quifangondo they could finally turn more attention to the south.

Cuba operated independently through December and January bringing in their troops in slowly, but steadily. Two months after the start of Operation Carlota the Soviets agreed to ten charter flights on long-range IL-62 jet airliners, starting on 8 January.[98] This was followed one week later by an agreement that "the Soviets would supply all future weaponry … transporting it directly to Angola so that the Cuban airlift could concentrate on personnel."  By early February, with increasing numbers in Cuban troops and sophisticated weaponry, the tide changed in favour of the MPLA. The final offensive in the North started on 1 January 1976. By 3 January FAPLA-Cuban forces took the FNLA air bases of Negage and Camabatela and a day later the FNLA capital of Carmona. A last ditch attempt by FNLA to use foreign mercenaries enlisted by the CIA (see next chapter: US response) failed; on 11 January FAPLA-Cubans captured Ambriz and Ambrizete (N’zeto) an on 15 February the FNLA's last foothold, Sao Salvador. By late February one Cuban and 12 FAPLA and battalions had completely annihilated the FNLA, driving what was left of them and the Zairian army across the border.

Cuban artillery Carlos Orlando, 20, stands with their Somali captors in village in Ogaden, Ethiopia. Fidel Castro’s government intervened with thousands of troops not only in Angola but also in Guinea Bissau, Mozambique and Ethiopia. 1978.

Photo MIG-23 with Cuban Soldiers

List of dead Cuban Communist Pilots in Cabinda and Angola

1. MIG-21 MF. 1976

2. 1977 - 1978 AN 26 Cuango? UNITA

3. 17 May Negage 1978 MI-8-T 13 Lt. Emilio González Rivas.

4. 06 August 1980 Matala 29 YAK-40 shot by error by the Cubans TCAA

5. 15 March 1981 Cabinda MIG-21 MF - Leonel Torriente Ponce.

6. 02 May 1981 Lubango MIG-21 MF - Cap. Carlos Benitez Estacio

7. 11 June de 1981 MIG-21 MF Mulondo - Lt. Danacio Valdes. Shot by Mirage F-1CZ, major Johann Rankin

8. 07 June 1982 AN 26 Lubango - Cap. Osvaldo Lopez Terrero

9. 12 August 1982 Lubango MIG-21U Pastrana e Merino

10. 05 October 1982 MIG-21 BIS Lubango - Lt. Raciel Marrero Rodriguez

11. 05 October 1982 MIG-21 BIS Lubango - Lieutenant Gilberto Perez Ortiz

12. 6 November 1982 MI-8T Cuango 11 Ch. Raul Vigo

13. 08 December 1982 MI-8T La Cuca 6 1er.Tte. Raul Vega

14. 23 April 1983 Lubango MIG-21 MF - Cap. Raul Fernandez Sanchez

15. 08 August 1983 MI-8T Cangamba Mayor 1 Policarpo Alvarez

16. Cap 21 August 1983 Luena MIG-21 - R. Chacon

17. 02 October 1983 MIG-21 Lubango Cap. Andres Valle

18. October 20, 1983 Luau MIG-21 PFM – Liutenent Coronel. Henry Perez. Shot by UNITA. Pilot captured.

19. 10 November 1983 MIG-21 Lubango Cap. Roberto Hernández Alvarez

20. 29 December 1983 MIG-21 BIS Lubango - Lt. Fidel Perez

21. 29 December 1983 MI-8T Luau 4 1er.Tte. Jesus Galindo Bacallao

22. 12 January 1984 MI-8T Huambo Cor Lt. 5. Albizu

23. Cap 09 August 1984 Luena MIG-23, ML -. Peter Zequeira

24. 09 August 1984 MIG-23, ML Luena - Lieutenant Alberto Olivares Horta

25. 09 August 1984 Luena MIG-23 UB - Prefeito Antonio Rojas Marrero

26. Cap 09 August 1984 Luena MIG-21 BIS -. Pausides Hechevarria

27. 21 August 1984 MIG-21 first Cap Lubango. William Murphy

28. 02 December 1985 AN 26 Zaire - Cap. Rafael del Pino (Jr.) forced landing

29. 12 March 1985 Menongue MIG-23, ML - Cap. Viera Lino Cabrera

30. 17 April 1985 MIG-21 PFM Malange - Lt. Toledo Vila touradas

31. 31 July Luanda 1er.Tte 1985 MIG-21 BIS 1. Sergio Herrera

32. 05 September 1985 AN 2 Gabela - Lieutenant Gilberto Machado Ibanez

33. 24 November1985 MI-8T Alto Cuilo - Lt. Arcis Leon Arcides. Shut by Impala

34. 09 November 1985 Lucusse MI-8T - Lieutenant Sabino Ferreira Santos

35. 07 July Lubango 1er.Tte 1986 MIG-21 BIS. Raul Quiala

Photo of Cuban Pilot Captain Jorge González Pérez

36. 25 June 1986 Menongue MIG-23, ML Cap. Jorge Gonzalez Perez

37. 13 September 1986 Menongue MIG-23, ML Cap. Joseph A. Garcia Flores

38. 11 April 1987 MI-8T Luena 3 Lt. Jesus Martinez Santos

39. 24 October 1987 MIG-23, ML. Cap. Morales Ramos Lorenzo. Shot by MANPADS (anti-aircraft vigor UNITA)

40. 28 October 1987 Luvuey MIG-21 Lieutenant Colonel. Manuel Rojas, Cap Ramon Aguilar Quesada Shot and captured by UNITA

41. 25 November 1987 MIG-21. Shot by SADF

42. 29 November 1987 Cuito MIG-23, ML. Shot by G-5 das SADF.

43. 29 November 1987 Cuito MIG-23, ML. Shot by G-5 das SADF.

44. 29 November 1987 Cuito MIG-23, ML. UNITA shot by MANPADS

45. 29 November 1987 Cuito MIG-23, ML. UNITA shot by MANPADS

46. Cuito 12 December 1987 MIG-21. UNITA shot by MANPADS

47. 20 December 1987 MI-8T Tempué 1er.Tte. Alejandro Diaz

48. Cap 14 January 1988 Cuito MIG-23, ML -. Francisco A. Doval. UNITA shot by MANPADS.

49. January 19, 1988 SU-20 M. Shot by SADF

50. 21 January 1988 Menongue MIG-23, ML Cap. Carlos Rodriguez Perez

51. 5 February 1988 MIG-21. Shot by SADF

52. 5 February 1988 MIG-21. Shot by SADF

53. 15 February 1988 Cuito MIG-23, ML Cap. John P. Rodriguez

54. 01 March. 1988 MIG-23, ML. Shot by SADF

55. 17 March 1988 Cuito MIG-23, ML 1 Ernest Chávez

56. 23 March 1988 MIG-23, ML. Shot by SADF

57. 27 April 1988 AN-26 Cahama 26 shot by TCAA in error of the Cubans. Die Gen. Paco Cruz, Francisco Cruz Bourzac BG and a commission of superior officers which where in the air plane.

58. 29 April 1988 MIG-23, ML. Shot by SADF

59. 05 June 1988 MIG-21 Cuito. Shot by SADF G-5

60. 05 June 1988 MIG-21 Cuito. Shot by SADF G-5

61. 27 June 1988 MIG-23, ML. Shot by SADF Ystervark

62. 05 July 1988 MIG-21. Shot by SADF G-5

"12 men and 2 cats" - With Gerardo Hernández and his platoon in Cabinda
Interview with Cuban combatant highlights
leadership qualities of one of Cuban Five prisoners
that make him a target of U.S. rulers

August 16, 2010

Cuban-MPLA platoon attached to 11th Tactical Group, 10th Tank Brigade, Cabinda, under command of Lt. Gerardo Hernández Nordelo, 1989-90. Starting with front row from left to right, as Hernández wrote, are: “Wilfredo Pérez Corcho (with a cat), Fidel Martell (with the other cat), Palacio, Bouza, and Adolfo. (Bouza is from the Zapata Swamp area, and the last that I heard of him, he was an official of the municipal Cuban Communist Party in Soplillar.) I’m in the middle, and behind are Gabriel Basquito (Angolan), Henry, Manuel (who also graduated from the ISRI [Institute for Advanced Study of International Relations] and may now be a diplomat), José Ramón Zamora, two compañeros whose names unfortunately I cannot remember now, Nelson Abreu, another compañero (with the sunglasses) whose name I cannot recall, and Carlos Amores, with the camera, our current ambassador to Malaysia. For most of those whose names I cannot recall, it’s because they were in the platoon for only a short time after I arrived because they completed their missions and returned to Cuba.”

When Gerardo Hernández Nordelo graduated from Cuba’s Institute for Advanced Study of International Relations (ISRI) in 1989, like hundreds of thousands of other Cubans had done, he volunteered for duty in Angola. The Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) of Cuba was then engaged in the final stages of a nearly 16-year internationalist mission, fighting alongside the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA), to defend the government of that former Portuguese colony against the invading forces of the apartheid regime of South Africa and its imperialist-backed allies based in Zaire.

In 1989-90, Lieutenant Hernández led the Cuban-Angolan Scouting Platoon of 12 men attached to the 11th Tactical Group of the 10th Tank Brigade, stationed in the Angolan province of Cabinda.

The following account of those years is by José Luis Palacio, a mechanic by trade and one of the men who served under Hernández in Cabinda. It was originally published under the title “12 men and 2 cats” in March 2006 in Guerrillero, the provincial newspaper of Pinar del Río in western Cuba.

Palacio’s tribute to the leadership qualities of Hernández—or simply “Gerardo” as he is known to millions around the world fighting for his freedom—goes far to explain why the U.S. government has singled him out for the brutal and vindictive treatment reported in the accompanying front-page story. Among the Cuban Five, Hernández was given the most draconian penalty of all—two life sentences plus 15 years. He has been denied the right to receive visits from his wife, Adriana Pérez, for the past 12 years.

Hernández sent a photocopy of the Guerrillero article to me as one of the editors of Malcolm X, Black Liberation, and the Road to Workers Power by Jack Barnes, published by Pathfinder Press. That book, which Hernández had received earlier this year, includes one of the photos on these pages—the picture of Hernández together with other members of his platoon around a cooking fire. The other two photos of the platoon printed here were mailed by Gerardo from the maximum security penitentiary in Victorville, California, where he is being held.

In accompanying letters, Hernández commented:

It’s been twenty years, but I remember as if it were today the moment when we took that photo around the fire in Angola. We were making a dulce de coco [a coconut dessert]. I remember everyone’s names, including the two Angolan combatants in the picture, who were part of our scouting team.

Several Cuban combatants from my platoon often write to me, including three members of what they called my “Matancera squad,” since all of them were from Matanzas—José Ramón Zamora, Fidel Martell, and Wilfredo Pérez Corcho. All three are peasants, very modest people, and very revolutionary. They sent me these two photos, which I am now sharing with you.

The quality of the originals is not very good due to the passage of time and the conditions under which they were developed and printed… .

In the photo with the tank … standing on the ground is José Luis Palacio, from Pinar del Río. For some years I have kept an interview that Palacio gave to the newspaper in his province, which moved me very much when I read it. I’ll look for it among my papers and send you a copy.

I have great admiration for all those compañeros who volunteered for such a mission. At that time they were practically youngsters. I had been asked to give them classes in certain subjects, that is, I was supposed to teach them, but I was the one who wound up learning a lot from them. Angola was a great school for everyone.

The identifications in the captions were provided by Hernández. The comments in brackets in the interview below are his also.


A Pinar del Río native was in Angola with Lt. Gerardo Hernández Nordelo. He remembers him as lively and jocular, always drawing cartoons of the soldiers in his reconnaissance platoon; reading Che’s diary. The first to get up in the morning and the last to go to bed. Always very concerned with the health of the men under his command.

When a group of 12 men have to sleep two and a half meters underground, shake off the homesickness that slowly eats at them with each delayed letter, march through snake-infested terrain, that’s when friendship soars to its greatest heights.

So one can understand why José Luis Palacio Cuní would feel out of sorts when he returned from Angola in 1991 and why he would miss the down-to-earth camaraderie and kidding around by those platoon mates of the 10th Tank Brigade in Cabinda.

At night they killed time playing seven-piece dominoes or playing cards. The latter was the favorite entertainment of Lt. Gerardo Hernández Nordelo, [Actually it was dominoes. —GH] who was good-humored and always roused them at 5:00 a.m. with that characteristic expression of his: “Stand up, soldiers! As straight as Cuba’s palm trees!”

At that time nobody imagined that Gerardo—who shared the same hole with them—would become a hero, and that he would have to withstand even greater tests—nothing less than imprisonment in the United States.

None of Palacio’s friends wanted to believe him that afternoon when they were watching television and, in the middle of a little party, this dark-skinned man who lives in the new 12-story building at “Hermanos Cruz” told them, “Damn! That man in the photo was my leader in Angola. It’s Lt. Nordelo!”  
Two cats in the platoon
Palacio was in Cabinda, for two years and three months. He had been working at the Machinery and Equipment Repair Enterprise, what was then the EREA, when he was called to fulfill his duty as a reservist. It was 1989, and he left behind a daughter who was just a little over three years old.

How did you all adjust to sleeping in the dugout? was one of the first questions we asked in our interview.

“The dugouts were six meters long and two or three meters wide. It wasn’t easy getting used to sleeping there, but when you know it’s safer than having your body out in the open, you have to do it.

“I was the only Pinar del Río native among those 12 men. The majority were from Matanzas, and we also had some orientales [from eastern Cuba] and some from Havana. At night when we were down there, someone would start telling the others that the most beautiful place in Cuba was Viñales; then someone else would jump in talking about his province, and so on… .

“A young guy from Matanzas, as soon as he arrived, began to take care of two cats. Those little animals really were internationalist soldiers too, because there were mice underground, and while we slept we often heard the cats hunting. They were very attached to us.

“Our lieutenant completed his mission, and then Gerardo arrived, a graduate of the Institute for Advanced Study of International Relations. The head of the 11th Tactical Group told us, ‘This is your new commander.’ I remember very well Nordelo’s first words:

‘“I’m going to share the happiness, the sadness, and all other emotions with you. I’ll just be one of you, like a brother, simply another human being.’ We liked him a lot from the start.

“At night he would talk about when he was at the university, about his life as a student, about his cartoons, about his mother and his wife.

“He was very funny and knew how to tell jokes. In class he would give us a six-minute break, and during that time he would draw cartoons of us and say, ‘That’s what you were like in class.’

“When he saw someone was sad, Gerardo would even show him his own letters. When you’re so far away, nothing is worth more than someone writing you.

“We played baseball in our free time. Was he good? To tell the truth, no, he wasn’t. He was a pitcher, and since we were playing for fun, it didn’t matter much… .

“He set up a radio; he always had to be doing something. He wrote the communiqués and jokes that were read by a soldier.”  
El Corcho
The tall, slender, dark-skinned man recalled that in the platoon there was a very thin young man named Pérez Corcho, who they nicknamed “El Corcho” [The Cork].

“Everyone would call to him, ‘El Corcho, come here’ and ‘El Corcho, go there.’ When his birthday came along, Gerardo got the idea that we should celebrate it. He asked for permission, and it was granted.

“For the occasion we made wine from rice and from pineapples, which were very abundant in the area. That day we didn’t go to the unit’s main mess hall.” [It wasn’t wine but a kind of fruit drink, because alcohol was prohibited. —GH]

Many of those in the group of 12 had no idea how to cook, but they invented things. Gerardo wrote some jokes for the occasion and a communiqué. He always combined happy themes with patriotic ones, says his former subordinate.

And did you have a strategy for dealing with the snakes?

“There were lots of cobras there. We had orders to sleep with mosquito netting and to put one boot inside the other so as not to leave them a space they could slide into, since they always seek body warmth.

“Gerardo would be the last to go to bed and always told us, ‘Stuff your boots together the way you now know how to.’ He always paid attention to those details, even though he was very young.

“Every third or fourth day we marched 40 or 50 kilometers [25 or 30 miles] through the jungle on our reconnaissance missions. We went together in a platoon made up of Angolans from FAPLA and the Cubans.

“Once one of the Angolans discovered a six-meter-long boa and killed it. They had a lot of respect for boas and said that we Cubans didn’t fear even those beasts, since we didn’t kill them.

“Lieutenant Nordelo always alerted us to everything, and one of the things he stressed most was the need to respect our own families and the families that lived there.

“I had previously seen on television Angola’s poverty and what the UNITA troops1 were doing, but none of that could compare with what I saw afterward. Children living in very bad conditions, living in those huts, skinny, emaciated, and I couldn’t help comparing them to ours and thinking that sometimes we weren’t really conscious of what we had.

“For me, Angola was a school. I learned to value life and internationalism more, and to give a little of myself.

“One of Gerardo’s many good ideas was about the children of the place where we were. He asked people to make homemade toys for the children, even rag dolls. It was very nice.”

When you saw Gerardo on TV, what did you feel?

“At first I was very sad, thinking of a man who was such a revolutionary, such a good comrade, who had been so concerned for all of us, and who was today imprisoned—in the United States.

“But now I see it differently. It makes me happy to remember that the lieutenant at whose side I spent so much time is today a symbol of patriotism, that he has not given in. He has withstood so much; they haven’t even allowed him to see his wife. That man, who was taking care of all of us, has not been able to have children!

“At the same time, I feel more revolutionary and committed. I also hope he will return and that those 12 Cubans will be able to meet again to recall the times we lived through in Angola.”

Palacio, a modest man, a party member, a refrigeration and air conditioning mechanic in a cold storage plant, has not written Gerardo because he didn’t have the address of the prison. Nor does he seek the limelight in recounting his days together with that lieutenant who liked to read so much.

It was Palacio’s friend Félix Peña, an official of the provincial committee of the party, who encouraged him to speak with a reporter—to share with many more people his experiences with that genuine Cuban, whose ideals support him as straight as the Cuban palms he talked about to his men, as if to remind them they were born in a small island accustomed to nobleness.

Hernández’s scouting platoon was part of a tactical group belonging to the 10th Tank Brigade in Cabinda, which took part in reconnaissance missions to protect Cuban units and troops.

When he gave classes to his soldiers, Palacio reports, Gerardo would stress to them the importance of sharpening their skills for observing the enemy in order to track them.

A scout looks for signs on the ground indicating where the adversary might be. He must study the makeup of the opposing army, its weaponry.

All members of that 12-man platoon—a symbolic number in the history of Cuba—have a photo of the group. Gerardo himself took it. In different ways this patriot has things in common with Ignacio Agramonte,2 that fierce attorney, that man of letters and also of action in the fields of Cuba, capable of wielding a machete but also of writing tender lines to his wife.

And this Cuban hero, who has grown while locked up in a U.S. prison cell, left for his wife Adriana, along with the song “Dulce abismo” [sweet abyss] by Silvio Rodríguez, this poem by Roberto Fernández Retamar entitled “Filin”: 3

If they tell me you have gone away
And will not come back
I won’t believe it
I will wait for you and wait for you.
If they tell you I have gone
And will not return
Don’t believe it
Wait for me

1. Originally founded to fight Portuguese colonial rule, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi, allied itself in 1975 with the racist apartheid regime in South Africa and U.S. imperialism in an effort to overthrow the newly independent Angolan government. Some 375,000 Cuban combatants fought in Angola alongside FAPLA against UNITA. Cuba ended its internationalist combat mission there in 1991 after the South African military was defeated and forced to withdraw from Angola and grant independence to nearby Namibia.

2. Ignacio Agramonte (1841-73) one of the most outstanding political and military leaders of Cuba’s first independence war against Spain. Division commander of the Liberation Army in Camagüey Province. He rose to the rank of major general. He was killed in battle.

3. Filin (feeling) was a genre of popular Cuban music that developed in Havana during a period of growing social unrest in the 1940s and ’50s, incorporating elements of both jazz and Cuban bolero.

Luanda Cuban Embassy honours commander Raúl Arguelles

12 November 10

The Embassy of Cuba in Angola honoured this Saturday at Alto das Cruzes cemetery, in Luanda, the Cuban commander Raúl Diaz Arguelles Garcia, on the occasion of the 35th anniversary of his death.

At the occasion, a representative of the about 3,000 Cuban internationalists who are working in Angola in various sectors, mentioned that commander Raúl Diaz Arguelles Garcia did his best for the Angolan independence.

According to the interlocutor, this act is of extreme importance for both countries, mainly for the population of Hengo (coastal Kwanza Sul), where commander Arguelles died.

He highlighted Arguelles’ qualities, both during the national liberation struggle and as integrant of the Cuban soldiers.

The source said that Cuba is always ready to help the Communist MPLA Regime, not only in the military field, but also in many others areas, such as health, education and civil construction, toward country’s development.

On the occasion, the ambassador of Cuba to Angola, Pedro Ross Leal, stressed that general Raúl Diaz Arguelles Garcia, while leading the Ebo struggle, gained friendship, respect and consideration from Angolans and his example strengthens the ties linking both people.

Both struggles of Ebo and Kifagondo regions were determinant to enable President Agostinho Neto to proclaim the independence of Angola on November 11, 1975.

A garland was placed on his tomb at Alto das Cruzes cemetery, in Luanda, so as to celebrate this event.

Cuban military instructor troops captured by UNITA in Benguela 1975. Their Logistic of Maps, Uniforms, Tents, Food rations, etc... was supplied by the Portuguese Army of April by Red Admiral António Alva Rosa Coutinho


António Alva Rosa Coutinho

At the end of July 1974, after the resignation of the last Governor General of Angola, general Silvino Silverio Marques, Rosa Coutinho succeeded him as president of the Council of Governors of Angola. In September he was confirmed in this position by the National Defense Council, becoming High Commissioner of Angola. 

He would remain in this position until the signing of the Alvor Agreement (January 1975) between the Portuguese and the three competing liberation movements — the FNLA, the MPLA, and UNITA. His actions in Angola tended to be seen as favorable towards the MPLA. For instance, he defended the territorial integrity of Angola against the Zaire-backed Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda. 

Rosa Coutinho's role in the Angolan independence process and his subsequent closeness to the Portuguese Communist Party earned him the nickname "the Red Admiral" (in Portuguese o almirante vermelho). In the early part of 1975 he began to advocate the passage of "revolutionary laws" with the aim of radicalizing the political process that had been initiated by the Carnation Revolution. 

These aspirations came to fruition in March of that year, when he joined the newly formed Revolutionary Council. Notwithstanding his reputation as a radical, he remained loyal to the government during the attempted coup d'état on November 25, 1975. Afterward, he was removed from the Revolutionary Council and relegated to the naval reserve. Though he no longer exerted much influence in politics, he remained involved in the Angolan solidarity movement and continued to campaign in support of Portuguese left-wing parties.

(English translation of the letter)

Portuguese Republic
State of Angola 

Division of the Office of the General Government

Luanda, December 22, 1974

Comrade Agostinho Neto,

The FNLA and UNITA insist on my replacement by a reactionary that they trim the play, which is to be achieved would be the collapse of that we devise to deliver solely to the MPLA.

They were based on those movements by white puppets who want to perpetuate and decrying Portuguese colonialism and imperialism – as the Faith and the Empire, which is to say the mold of the Vestry and of the Exploitation of the Pope and the plutocrats.

They want these imperialist forces thwart our secret agreements Prague that Comrade Cunhal signed on behalf of the PCP, so that under the aegis of the glorious Party of the USSR Communism can extend to the Cape of Tangier and from Lisbon to Washington.

The implementation of the MPLA in Angola is vital for the bastard apearmos Mobutu, lackey of imperialism and of platform, Seizing Zaire.

After the last secret meeting we had with the comrades of the PCP, we decided to advise you to implement immediately the second phase of the plan. Not say? Fanon? that the inferiority complex we can only win by killing the colonizer? Comrade Agostinho Neto, gives therefore secret instructions to MPLA militants to terrorize by all means whites, killing, looting and burning, in order to cause their stampede of Angola. Headquarters cruel especially children, women and children, to discourage the bravest. So entrenched are these dogs to Earth explorers white terror that only make them flee. The FNLA and UNITA, thus no longer count on the support of whites, their capital and their military experience.

Rooting ourselves in such a way that with the fall of whites ruin the whole capitalist structure and may bring a new socialist society, or at least impede, the rebuilding of that.

Greetings revolutionary
Victory is certain

António Alva Rosa Coutinho
Vice Admiral


VIDEO - MPLA - US, UN, and Communist Revolutionary Tactics in Africa

The Cuban Intervention in Angola (PDF)

Cuban Military back again in Cabinda

27 January 2008

The Cubans are back in Cabinda, during the month of January 2008. Cabinda Population eyewitnesses have reported, that up to 6 battalions of black Cuban nationals arriving from Havana, Cuba have arrived in Cabinda, they where immediately transported and placed in the zones of the North and centre of Cabinda territory, making its main base the military installations in the town of Dinge.

They are now under the military command of the soviet-style politburo, MPLA General Carlitos Wala, famous for having murdered Dr. Jonas Malleiro Savimbi President of UNITA. The contingent of black Cuban military which are made of young soldiers and old officers are now operating and patrolling the areas of Miconje, Necuto and Buco Zau in Cabinda.

Castro in Africa: Cuba’s Operation Carlotta, 1975

by Russ Stayanoff, MA

On December 2, 2005, Cuba's aging Fidel Castro addressed his nation's armed forces in his last personally delivered Revolutionary Armed Forces Day speech in Havana. The speech commemorated the 30th anniversary of the Cuban army’s Angolan intervention. The speech was the archetypal “Castronic” socialist diatribe long-time Fidel watchers have come to expect. However, during this speech Fidel, for the first time, shed some light on the history of the secret deployment of some 36,000 Cuban troops, sent in 1975, to defend the newly declared independent Marxist government of Angola.

“Never before,” declared Fidel, “had a Third World country acted to support another people in armed conflict beyond its geographical neighbourhood.” The Cuban leader declared that contemporary historical assessments of the region consistently omit the contributions of the Cuban expeditionary forces. Castro called the contributions of the Cuban army "decisive in consolidating Angola's independence and achieving the independence of Namibia.”

What was Operation Carlotta and, more importantly, what will be its legacy to a people soon to have their history re-examined in the post-Castro era? What are the assessments of those who fought this bloody war some 30 years later? Pragmatic Cuban veterans consider the long official silence concerning Operation Carlotta an admission of failure in another of Fidel’s many botched programs of “Leninist internationalism.” Yet, others regard participation in Fidel’s African adventures, a patriotic duty proudly performed.

A retired Cuban military doctor explained, “Well, you have to give credit to Fidel, he was one to back his words with deeds, and the deed was our presence in Angola. Most were quite proud to have participated. Remember, that at the time, the South Africans were a nasty bunch that never merited a lot of international sympathy.”

Defining “Operation Carlotta”

The families of our internationalists deserve special mention. With remarkable stoicism, they bore absence, sent words of encouragement with every letter and kept any difficulties or worries to themselves. Prime examples include the mothers, sons, brothers and sisters and spouses of our fallen compatriots. All, without exception, have come to terms with their loss….  Fidel Castro, 2005


Most of the resistance encountered by the Cubans at Landala was from another armed group backed by the FNLA called the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). The FLEC had actively fought Portuguese colonial authorities, subsequently formed a provisional government and on August 1, 1975, declared Cabinda independent. After Angolan independence in November, Cabinda was invaded by the MPLA with Cuban support. Eventually, the MPLA overthrew the provisional FLEC government and incorporated Cabinda into Angola.

In December, Ernesto’s brigade was moved into arid Linche province, near the Zairean border, in order to reinforce MPLA forces under siege by the FLEC. “We left Landala around midnight,” he recalls, “using the roads on the northern route toward Zaire. At dawn, around 5am, we heard the sound of drums. Drums! Just like in the films. We thought the drums were coming from a nearby village, and that the tribe was happy at our appearance and was playing them as a welcome.” Nobel Prize winning Marxist writer, Gabriel Garcia Marquez, in his history of Operation Carlotta described the action in Linche:

It was an atrocious war in which one had to keep a lookout for mercenaries and snakes, rockets and cannibals. One Cuban commander fell at the height of battle into an elephant trap. The black Africans, conditioned by centuries of hatred of the Portuguese, were initially hostile to the white Cubans. Especially in Cabinda, Cuban scouts often heard their presence reported by the primitive telegraphy of the drum, whose tom-tom could be heard everywhere within a radius of some 35 kilometers.

The drums signaled FLEC fighters of the Cuban’s approach. At the bottom of a canyon, known as Bukusau, Ernesto’s column was ambushed. Enfilading fire from machine guns and RPG’s hidden in the canyon’s walls wreaked havoc on vehicles and men. Grenades rained down from hidden positions. Ernesto remembers, “. . . they threw a tremendous number of grenades at us, there was no cover. Of our soldiers, 47 died and more than 60 were seriously wounded.

The ambush lasted 35 minutes, but we sustained a very large amount of casualties. I was personally wounded on that terrible day.” Ernesto watched from behind an overturned truck as his company commander and a few others tried to seek cover. “. . . He hid beneath a truck loaded with gasoline. That was a mistake. The truck was hit with a rocket. They became ashes almost immediately.”

Ernesto sustained shrapnel wounds. He and other wounded Cubans were sent to Americo Boavida Hospital in Luanda where Cuban doctors treated him. While recovering in the hospital, soldiers read “Olive Green on an International Mission,” the weekly newspaper for the Cuban military in Angola. Its pages were filled with stories stressing “socialist self-sacrifice.” One issue, translated by a Carlotta survivor, contained the story of a Cuban tank driver who explained why he had left his job in a metalworking shop to answer the call of duty in Angola: ''In my house, to be an internationalist is something great,'' he was quoted as saying. “I was in too much pain in the hospital to read anything,” replies a Carlotta veteran. “If I would have seen that article I would not have needed toilet paper. Even the Operation Carlotta military commander in occupied Cabinda, General Ramon Espinosa Martin, was severely wounded in Angola in 1976 and spent a year recuperating.

Aftermath: the Carlotta legacy

From 1975-1988, Cuba was the main provider of combat troops, pilots, advisers, physicians, engineers, and technicians to the MPLA. As the insurgency expanded, so did Cuba's military presence. By 1982 there were 35,000 Cubans in Angola, of which about 27,000 were combat troops and the remainder advisers, instructors, and technicians. In 1985 their strength increased to 40,000, in 1986 to 45,000, and in 1988 to nearly 50,000.

Angola paid for the Cuban services out of oil revenues, at an estimated rate of $300 to $600 million annually. The last Cuban forces left Angola in 1991.

Cuban forces, despite their numbers, generally did not engage directly in combat after the bloodshed of Operation Carlotta in 1975-1976. Following Carlotta Cuban missions were designed to protect strategic and economically critical facilities, like the giant Chevron facility at Cabinda.


2 September 2007

Australian ROC Oil shares rose the most in 15 months after the company said it might be able to produce from the Massambala discovery in occupied Cabinda.

Australian Roc Oil jumped 45¢, or 16 per cent, to $3.23, the highest for almost three weeks.

Australians Roc's Cabinda South venture, which includes Force Petroleum and the MPLA oil company Sonangol SA, which is run by the Bother in Law of the Leader of the MPLA, started drilling in June as part of a $54 million exploration program.

Roc said about 20 per cent of the estimated 170 million barrels in the Massambala in ocupied Cabinda field might be produced.
"This has captured everyone's imagination that maybe occupied Cabinda will be an area of interest for these guys," said Luke Smith, an oil and gas analyst at ABN Amro Australia.

Massambala-1, the first well drilled in the occupied Cabinda Nation in 35 years, is targeting a potential 33 million-barrel discovery.

It holds heavy, viscous oil, rather than the light oil typical of Cabinda and West African crude's that Australia Roc was targeting.
"Massambala occupied Cabinda becomes the most recent addition to Roc's conveyor belt of projects which merit more thorough appraisal," Roc chief executive John Doran said in a statement to the stock exchange.

Oil and gas accounts for 49 per cent of the gross domestic product of the unlected and corrupt MPLA regime in power since 1975 (32 years).

Australian Roc's exploration program in the occupied Cabinda Nation would continue to primarily target the lighter grades of crude that are more typical of the region, Mr Doran said. Australia Roc owns 60 per cent of the venture, while Force and Sonangol each own 20 per cent.

Australia Roc reported a narrower first-half loss of $8.8 million, compared with $22.2 million a year earlier.


2 September 2007

CABINDA - The MPLA Armed Forces (FAA) had initiated this Friday a "Mega Military Operation" in 10 villages in the centre of the Cabinda Nation where the Cabinda Native Populations are accused by the MPLA apparatus "to supply moral and logistic support to the Cabinda Freedom Fighter forces of FLEC". Are they in the way of the new ROC oil project?

Thousands of Cabinda Native Population, of the masculine sex, with ages understood between the 15 and 60 years old, "had been pulled out of their homes on Friday at dawn on the 31st of August 2007 around 0430AM, in the so called Mega Operation handled by the MPLA military labeled the FAA", denounced Raul Danda, a journalist and civic activist of Human Rights in Cabinda.

The MPLA/FAA armed forces or the forces of evil has they are known by the Population are recruited from diverse areas of the African Continent, people assume that the MPLA/FAA army is composed of so called “Angolan” citizens in fact these constitute only a minority the MPLA/FAA inflate their army with jobless male citizens from Katanga, Equator from the DRC.

According to the human rights activist Raul Danda, in true agitation, the Cabinda native population had been surprised in their homes, in the villages of Lico, Icazu, Cochiloango, Loango, Small Loango, Ntunga, Mbuli, Bichékete, Caio and Mpuela (in the central region of the Nation of Cabinda), hundreds of military of the MPLA/FAA strong armed and armed of numerous vehicles, that had taken them by brute force until the Plain of the Cochiloango region.

In accordance with diverse certifications, "all those that had tried to resist this measure of the MPLA/FAA had been spanked, while the others were intimidated and threatened by the MPLA/FAA military in whose faces it could be read a great will to press the trigger."

The Cabinda Population of the feminine sex (all the ages), for its turn, completely stressed with the situation, had abandoned their houses and had been dislocated, by foot, until the Plain of the Cochiloango region, where they found their husbands parents, brothers, uncles, restrained affirming to be made use to die to the side of their families.

According to some of the Cabinda Native Population who managed to run away from the aimed villages, the MPLA/FAA soldiers accused the populations of that area of supply, moral and logistic support to the Freedom Fighters forces of the FLEC, that has been to intensify its attacks against the military of the MPLA/FAA.

As Raul Danda the population believe that "this wave of terrorism against the Native Cabinda populations is related with the recent orientation given from the leader of the MPLA Comrade Jose Eduardo Dos Santos", during the recent visit of intimidation that he made to Cabinda, "having given orders to its MPLA/FAA soldiers to “redouble the efforts” against that, in its to understand, they disestablishes Cabinda."


20 August 2007

CABINDA - Some faithful members the Historic State of Cabinda are passing horrific moments. Dictator Jose Eduardo Dos Santos, head of the MPLA concluded a visit to Cabinda, before his arrival, a number of Cabindan Citizens connected to the Civic and Human Rights Association Mpalabanda and kin supporters Independence where thrown in to jail. A climate of terror was lived in Cabinda.

House search of the arrested Citizens where executed. And an increase of MPLA military personnel was resisted in Cabinda. And People of Cabinda lived more intimidations. The streets and streets had been stalled in certain places; many young Cabindas had been withheld innocently. The People of Cabinda continues to cry. One still notices great difficulties on the so called democracy. We continue to ask for that those who are in the Diaspora that please do make all which are possible ones to make all these situations which the People of Cabinda suffers visible before the eyes of the International Community.

Cabindans say they are culturally and historically distinct

10 August 2007

CABINDA - A banned Human Rights civic organisation in Cabinda says some of its members were detained ahead of a visit by the president of the MPLA to the Cabinda. Jose Eduardo dos Santos' visit comes a year after a peace deal with most separatists in the oil-rich enclave.

Mpalabanda, whose members are being held, told the BBC the conflict was ongoing and called for more talks.

"They try to convince all people that the established agreement was accepted by all parties, but it's not true, it's false," Mpalabanda President Agostinho Chicaia told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme.

He said three of their members had been detained without charge on Thursday. One has subsequently been released.

"For Cabindan people the president is not welcome because we don't have peace in Cabinda, we have a lot of problems and our priority is dialogue," Mr Chicaia said.

Amnesty International Report 2007

Forced evictions continued and hundreds of families were left without shelter. There were reports of human rights violations by police, including unlawful killings and torture. Little progress was made towards eradicating impunity. One police officer was prosecuted and 10 others dismissed for various offences. In Cabinda, human rights violations continued despite the signing of a peace agreement with a separatist movement. Human rights defenders and political activists were harassed and some were briefly detained, while a human rights organization was banned.

Human rights defenders

Human rights defenders remained at risk of persecution. In September, members of the Provincial Criminal Investigative Police (DPIC) arbitrarily arrested human rights defender Raul Danda at the airport in Cabinda city. He was unlawfully detained at the DPIC
headquarters for more than the 48 hours allowed by law. He was charged with instigating, inciting and condoning crimes against the security of the state, and transferred to the Cabinda Civil Prison. He was released four weeks later pending trial, but his trial had not
started by the end of the year. Raul Danda is a member of the human rights organization Mpalabanda–Cabinda Civic Association,which was banned by the Cabinda Provincial Court in July for alleged involvement in political activities. An appeal against the ban had not been heard by the end of the year.


In August the government and the Cabindan Forum for Dialogue (Forum Cabindés para o Diálogo, FCD) signed a peace agreement to end the armed conflict in the province. The agreement provided for the demilitarization of combatants of the armed Front for the Liberation of the Cabinda Enclave (Frente de Libertação do Enclave de Cabinda, FLEC) and their integration in the Angolan Armed Forces (Forças Armadas Angolanas, FAA) and government. It also provided for an amnesty for crimes against the security of the state committed in the context of the armed conflict, which was subsequently approved by the National Assembly. However, FLEC and other organizations rejected the agreement, saying that it had been signed by a former President of the FCD who had been expelled from the organization in April and that he did not represent their views. Following the signing of the peace agreement there were unconfirmed reports of fighting between FAA and FLEC combatants.

There were no known investigations into numerous reports of human rights violations by the police and the FAA in Cabinda, including extrajudicial executions, torture, rape and arbitrary detentions.
b In January Francisco Banheva was beaten by soldiers who found him and his wife working their fields in the Mbata-Missinga area of Ncutu commune, disobeying a FAA order specifying the days that people in the area could tend their fields. He reportedly died as a result of the beating the next day.

In June, the new Angolan Catholic bishop, whose appointment in February 2005 from outside the province had provoked violent protests, took office.

Following the swearing-in ceremony, police reportedly arrested 28 members of Mpalabanda who were meeting to discuss the establishment of good relations with the new bishop. They were released without charge later that day.

We ask Why? Why was Father Jorge Casimiro Kongo taken to Prison

1 May 2007

Father Jorge Casimiro Kongo, defender of the Human basic rights of the oppressed Cabinda People

Why has Father Jorge Casimiro Kongo been arrested by the MPLA on the 21 April 2007 and is still detained today 1 May 2007.

The tensions in the centre of the Clergy of Cabinda had intensified since the nomination of the Bastard Filomeno Vieira Days from the MPLA, cousin of Hélder Vieira Days "Kopelipa", head of the Military House of the Presidency of the MPLA and considered by the newspaper "Angolense Weekly" has one of the richest men of Angola.

So We Ask Why as the Bastard of Filomeno Dias, asked the MPLA “police” to impression the Cabinda Natural Priest Jorge Casimiro Kongo.

Padre Jorge Kongo Entrevista 1

Padre Jorge Kongo Entrevista 2

N'kunga Tsi

Kabinda Tsi luzitu beni i fwang' a ko, Matondo ma nene beni ma ke mu bana baku, N'vingu n'zingu u nungwang' a ko, Befu boso wa tu n'tchinzin kanga

Mu nana Kumi N'gondi Mweka, Lumbu tchi luzitu lu Bwala, Tu n'vumunna mangolo, Ma n'kuna mona, Wa i dula i phanga

N'doko Bwala, Tu baka lu kuku, Lu tsi i luzitu beni, i ba kulu bitu

Tu kanana, tu budana tu n'liyata va tchimweka, mu n'zingu mu ku ituma, Ku natanaga n'tela mu tchi limbu, Mbwetila mweka i tu nata, Ku lu nungu lu mana

Muna tsi i luzitu beni, Muna Bwala, Twala zimbakana ko, Bi fwila muna n'vita


27 MARCH 2008

No Electrical Power Supply to the Cabinda population

The MPLA regime occupying Cabinda has cut the power supply to the Cabinda population. There is no electrical power supply to the population in Cabinda since the last few days, and the situation continues. It is indeed a great blessing to have the corrupt MPLA and its non elected government headed by the Sao Tomense born “President” that speaks no native language of any of the tribes present in the map of Angola. The man has no tribe and no tribal language, we are impressed.

Persecution to the Native Cabinda Priest continues

Priest like: Father Jorge Casimiro Congo and Father Raul Taty are suffering a persecution and vendetta from the part of the new angolan "Bishop" imposed by the MPLA, he is saying and spreading lies in an attempt to denigrate this two Priests.

 José Marcos Mavungo, Cabinda Citizen

Human Rights Activist

Cabinda February 1, 2007

"Therefore it is not certainly with large military personnel present in Cabinda, neither it is with the threats to the Human Right Activists and to the Armed Resistance that will bring peace to Cabinda. History shows us that force doesn’t produce righteousness, that guerrillas are almost never defeated, that in the long run these “David’s” will eventually defeat “Goliath” by the strategy of saturation".

"Portanto, não serão certamente os grandes efectivos militares presentes em Cabinda, nem tão pouco às ameaças aos activistas dos Direitos Humanos e à resistência armada, que trarão a paz para Cabinda. Aliás, a história nos ensina que a força não faz o direito, que guerrilheiros quase nunca são derrotados, que no longo prazo esses "Davids" derrotam "Golias" pela estratégia da saturação"

Accords of Bilateral Interest Signed between the Regimes of
Zanu PF Robert Mugabe & MPLA Jose Eduardo dos Santos

22 MARCH 2007

Unlected Home Affairs Minister of Angola, Roberto Leal Monteiro "Ngongo", made an official’s visit to its peer crumbling Zimbabwean Dictatorial Regime for the signing of "accords of bilateral interest, such as of sharing of knowledge and experiences” between the unleccted MPLA Regime and the Zanu PF Regime.

1,500 Riot Angolan MPLA Police is being sent to Zimbabwe



National Schools Construction Project for Cabinda

National University of Cabinda Construction Project for Cabinda

General Hospital and Health Centres Construction Project for Cabinda

UN Resolution 1514 (XV)

947th plenary meeting, 14 December 1960

Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples

UN Resolution 742 (VIII)

General Assembly 8th Session, 27 November 1953

Factors taken into account in deciding whether a Territory is or is not a Territory whose people have not yet attained a full measure of self-government.

UNPO General Assembly VIII

Adopts Resolution on Situation in Cabinda


The UNPO General Assembly;

Considering that Article 73, Chapter XI, of the United Nations Charter recognizes the Right of all peoples to self-determination;

Emphasising that Cabinda was and is a Portuguese protectorate by virtue of the Treaty of Simulambuco in 1885;

Considering that when it was founded in May 1963, the Organisation of African Unity recognised Cabinda as the 39th territory on the African continent to be decolonized, and that this reality has since been ignored;

Regretting that Portugal, former protecting power, has abandoned the territory of Cabinda, its protectorate, without organizing a referendum for self-determination to allow the Cabindan people to choose their future; in violation to all the treaties of Chimfuma (1883), Chicamba (1884), and Simulambuco (1885), instead illegally annexing the Territory of Cabinda to Angola;

Expressing grave concern at the continued violations of human rights in the Territory of Cabinda, including inter alia extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, killings of civilians, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, deaths in custody, absence of due process of law, severe restrictions on freedoms of opinion, expression, assembly and association, violations of freedom of movement, forced relocation, and the imposition of oppressive measures directed in particular at human rights defenders in Cabinda;

Concerned by the persecution of Cabindan refugees in Congo Brazzaville and Congo Kinshasa (RDC), as well as their forced repatriation without guarantees or security and in spite of the decision taken in January 2004 by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees;

Concerned by the arbitrary imprisonment of Mr. Raul Danda, spokesperson of the Cabindan Civil Association MPALABANDA, as well as other members of this organisation;

Concerned by the recent imprisonment of members of the Catholic Church at the request of the Angolan Bishop Filomeno;

Pleased by the formation of the Forum for Dialogue and Peace, composed of members of the various liberation movements, civil society and the church, and so forming the broadest possible platform for negotiating a peaceful resolution to the Cabinda conflict;

Concerned about the so-called Agreement for Peace and Cessation of Hostility, signed by the Government of Angola and a small group of Cabindan people in the name of the Forum for Dialogue, but without consultation, participation and agreement of its members, nor with the people of Cabinda, and therefore without any legitimacy.

Therefore, we urge The UNPO General Assembly to:

1. Condemn all human rights abuses committed in Cabinda by the Army of the Republic of Angola;

2. Call upon the Government of the Republic of Angola to Respect the Cabindan Peoples’ rights, including their right to self determination;

3. Call upon the conflicting parties, in particular the Government of Angola, to commit themselves to an honest dialogue, aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the conflict through broad-based negotiations and consultations with legitimate interlocutors;

4. Call upon the Republic of Angola to stop all acts of intimidation and forced repatriation of Cabindan refugees whilst there is no peace in the territory;

5. Strongly urge the Government of the Republic of Angola to release immediately and unconditionally detained political leaders, including Raul Danda, as well as all other political prisoners and all other prisoners of conscience;

6. Call once again upon all companies, including multi-national oil companies, operating in Cabinda, to respect the human rights and self-determination of the People of Cabinda, including their right to manage and control the natural resources of their land;

7. Encourage humanitarian organizations and governments to come to the aid of Cabindan refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo-Kinshasa, Republic of Congo-Brazzaville, and elsewhere, who are living under dire conditions, and without educational opportunities;

8. Request the General Secretary of UNPO to strongly consider despatching a UNPO mission to Cabinda in order to assess the dire conditions of the people and to report these back to UNPO.

Box 2. Mismanagement of State Resources: The Case of Cabinda

The Angolan MPLA Provincial Government of Occupation in Cabinda took the courageous step of publishing its expenditure (with no information about how this related to its budget), which showed just how resources are wasted.

In 2003, it spent $US2,399,998 in Christmas gifts and $US1,820,744 to buy cars from contracts totalling $US6,011,000. The local public purse coughed up $US120,000 to mow the tiny lawn of the Governor’s residence, $US449,000 in furniture for the local government’s office, $US80,000 in toys, and $US85,000 for Miss Cabinda.

The authorities disbursed only $US40,000 to support the communes and $US87,000 to lend a hand to the province’s municipalities.


04 ARPIL 2007

Cabinda - A few clarifications needed: there is vast information in portuguese language but not so much in English on exactly what is the real situation and what is happening in Cabinda and what is Cabinda, it seems that the unelected MPLA which invaded militarily Cabinda is claiming to have convinced the Cabinda people that; their neo-colonial presence, is or would be acceptable to us Cabindans, this is totally nonsense.

Misinformation is circulating and being printed by "Newsweek" and lately we have read in amusement "Reuters" claiming that the "unelected" MPLA Government in Angola has signed a peace treaty with FLEC, Reuters is obviously deliberately misinforming people or it is just printing MPLA propaganda. It seems obviously that this type of misinformation is being feed to their readers in the interest of stock market speculation of those oil companies that are "hoping" to drill in Cabinda, and furthering by so doing the suffering of the martyr Cabinda people.

May we understand and comprehend that Cabinda is not privately owned by the MPLA neither nor part of Angola neither it wishes to be such. To claim or trying to convince us Cabindas of other wise its totally nonsense, we Cabindas will never permit the MPLA or the Angolan occupation of our land.

Mr. Bento Bembe is a well known criminal and was the leader of something called FLEC-Renovada this organizations was created by the influence of Mr. Pitra Pretoff an MPLA governor placed in Cabinda which gave weapons for the creation of the FLEC-Renovada, in this way with the creation of two “FLEC’s” the Angolan unelected government could allege that there are two factions and they don’t know which one to deal with.


Concerning the so called peace treaty fabricated by the MPLA, it is a joke. We have read the nonsense of such a document and we may inform that you also should judge for your self’s on the validity and the deep ignorance and stupidity of such a document. Let it be known that 99.9% of the Cabinda population is fed up with the presence of the foreign Angolans in our land.
War and crimes of war still exist and are being committed by the MPLA in Cabinda against the Cabinda people.

War exists and its forced upon us by the occupiers, and what is keeping the MPLA afloat is the money they receive from the Cabinda Oil which is used in its 90% to fund the MPLA Government structure without this oil revenues there is no MPLA in power in Angola.

We foresee and predict the Fall of the MPLA regime and its reign of Evil to come to and end during 2007.

And may the Lord help us, may Saint George patron Saint of Cabinda guide us in our righteous battle against the MPLA.

So mote it be.


We advise all investor thinking on investing in Cabinda to think twice before handling money to the MPLA.

SITE MAP _2006-12-28

War is placed upon us, by the despot and other opportunists are taking advantage of the brutal uninvited and illegal occupation of the territory of Cabinda to Rape and Plunder the natural resources of the Cabindan Nation. War is forced upon as and I call to all Cabindas to take courage and join the ranks of the Armed Resistance, to stop once and for all this regretful misfortune that our Nation lives in present times, there seems to be no end to greed, there seems to be no Ethical, Moral or Humanitarian concerns for the welfare of the native population of Cabinda. May GOD the almighty curse to the eternity of times all those that Rape, Plunder and invade our ancestral Land of Cabinda.

Manifestations in Cabinda against the Angolan MPLA ocupation of the Nation and Country of Cabinda


Auferte malum ex vobis

Neste momento ocorre na rádio local a voz do papagaio Bento ameçando tudo e todos prometendo levar uns ao tribunal. Bento, conseguiu sitar nomes de calaboradores da resistência e que vivem na cidade do Tchowa. Isto foi dito la na LAC uma emissora comercial na capital de Angola. Os encontros que vai tendo com certos sectores, são forçosos e a mando do governo-neocolonial.


L’histoire de la bible nous enseigne que Judas Iscariote, alors disciple de Jésus, a vendu son maître aux Juifs. Plus loin, selon l’histoire, pourvu que la parole s’accomplisse.

Le Cas «CABINDA», c’est le destin de tout un peuple et de toute une nation.

Le silence qu’affiche la Direction de FLEC face à cette crise risquerait bientôt de désorienter la communauté Cabindaise et le Diaspora, fidèles à la forte et noble mission que fut incombée au FLEC-PM afin de pouvoir attendre l’objectif fondamental de ce peuple qui n’est que celui de sa souveraineté ou alors autrement dit son Indépendance totale sans avoir des comptes à rendre à l’Angola, pays néocolonialiste du Cabinda.

Quelque soit la longueur de la nuit, le soleil apparaîtra !

Qui dit Cabinda, dit FLEC et nous savons que le L5 qui parle au nom de FCD ne fait que mettre au jour l'esprit Judaïque qui ronge leurs cœurs.

L'unique et la seule personne habilitée à engager le processus cabindais est le FLEC-PM, FLEC-PM est l'unique Mouvement qui incarne la lutte Cabindaise; et lui en a le mandat.
Le FCD devra disparaître de son existânce à cause des abus commis par les élément issus de ce dernier.

La communauté cabindaise est maintenant au courant de la mission que le groupe de quatre voulait réaliser ou peut être prétend réaliser qui n’est autre que celui de l ‘ENLEVEMENT DU PRÉSIDENT DE FLEC selon le web de Silver Shadow.
Le cas BENTO n’est pas différent de celui que le groupe de quatre est entrain de mettre à l’œuvre.

Si UNITA de Savimbi a pu résister aussi longtemps que possible, c’est parce qu’il y a eu une certaine ligne de conduite à suivre et surtout qu’ils ont puni sévèrement et cela sans exception tout membré voué à la trahison.

Après avoir être déçu par Bento sur les soit disant accords de paix, le Gouvernement du MPLA étend de nouveau ses pièges de la démagogie et corruption; et comme résultat, ce sont des requins capturés que tous connaissons.

Tous hier 1ère Ceinture du Président de FLEC et aujourd’hui près pour son enlèvement !!!

On se demande quelles sont les mesures et dispositifs pris par la Direction de FLEC ?

Nous sommes conscients que « le Judas » va toujours exister au sein de notre communauté étant donnée la ruse avec laquelle MPLA capture ses proies.

Néanmoins pensons au moins à nos braves combattants qui, jour et nuit, sacrifient leur vie pour cette cause !
Alors, je pense qu’il est grand temps d’établir de mesures et sanctions pour toute personne cabindaise qui de près ou de loin vêtu d’esprit de couteau à double tranchant tenterait de nuire au bon déroulement du processus de Libertation de ce peuple qui a en mare de l’injustice de la communauté Internationale qui fait semblant de ne rien voir sur l’occupation illégale de ce territoire par l'MPLA.

Si aujourd’hui BENTO reste impuni ainsi que la bande de quatre, sachons le que demain nous parlerons d’autres cabindais qui se tourneront contre le destin de leur peuple.



25 AUGUST 2006





The MPLA Marxist unelected ruling party of Angola is ruled by Mr. Jose Eduardo dos Santos a Native of Sao Tome e Principe.

The top men in this government are Angolans but the chain of bureaucrats and technocrats and spin doctors are from Cabo Verde and Sao Tome e Principe, this is the people who run the country of Angola by reporting in from all government departments to the MPLA.


Minu mpangi eno muntoto wu Cabinda

Yaya Nkulutu FLEC-PM

Yaya Nkulutu nzolele ku luzaikisa vo ndidi Nkengi ye nkulutu mu dibundu di Nzambi muntoto Cabinda.
Kansi mudiambu di Ntoto eto, MPLA lembu tombi kumponda idiawu, Ndisiediko muntoto Cabinda.
Ndidi munzila mu kuenda ku EGYPTE, idiawu, mfila malongi bue ndilenda sia musueka nitu ami?

Yaya Nkulutu, fumu eto Nzambi fueti kaka tu nungisa Vana zimbote kuidi bakulutu babo bena yaku kintuadi ye Mfumu eto nzambi Kalu sakumuna. 28 August 2006

Chefe de quadrilha para alem de ser Cabrao e Filho da Puta.

Dictator and Murderer

Mark 8:36 "For what shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?"

Comrade: Fulano José Eduardo dos Santos, Dictator of Angola

Criminoso, Ladrão, Vigarista e Mentiroso

Liar, Thief & Murderer

In Power Unelected for the last 30 years and counting, running Terror MPLA Regime

Não haverá em Angola ningum Angolano com colhões para tirar este criminoso do poder? Tem os tecnocratas e burocratas Cabo Verdeanos e Sao Tomenses a trabalhar para o cabrao de merda do JES, voces Angolanos nao teem colhões entre as pernas voces Angolanos nao conseguem meter este merdalhao na prizao.

Como o Fulano Jose Eduardo dos Santos, dictador de Angola se tornou o Lider do MPLA e "presidente" da republica de Angola. Quando o Ex-presidente de Angola Falecido Sr. Antonio Agostinho Neto CATETE NATIVO "Desativado" foi levado para a URSS em tratamento, o Fulano Jose Eduardo dos Santos, Dictador de Angola era um dos homens mais proximos dele e na altura o Fulano JEDS ja falava russo. O Sr Antonio Agostinho Neto, tinha planos de mudar o rumo de Angola de comunista para capitalista "da URSS, CUBANOS, e CHINESES para EUA "USA". e os socialistas Russos dando conta do recado decidiram investir no Jose Eduardo dos Santos. O Jose Eduardo dos Santos aplicou um golpe de estado inteligente e limpo e que ate hoje ninguem se aperceber ao seu camarada Agostinho Neto. O Jose Eduardo dos Santos se proclamou Presidente de Angola atraves de um dossier que foi deixado pelo Sr Antonio Agostinho Neto na altura o mesmo Sr Agostinho Neto estava muito doente, a beira da morte, e que ate aqui ninguem sabe as causas da doenca O Sr. Antonio Agostinho Neto sobre efeito de medicacao, Coprimidos que tornam o inconsciente e elle coitado assinou o Dossier, tudo isto planificado pelo criminoso Fulano Jose Eduardo dos Santos dictador de Angola.

Angolan journalist who exposed the slaughter of his countrymen, the plundering of the country's wealth, and the corruption of its regime.

The 2006 Award Ceremony will be held at The Harold Pratt House in New York City on October 18th, 2006

Media contact: Barbara Becker
Phone: 212-375-0661

Rafael Marques de Morais is a tenacious leader in the struggle for reform of Angola’s repressive and corrupt government, whose President, Eduardo dos Santos, was last elected in 1992. The 35-year old Marques is a journalist, public official, and representative of humanitarian organizations whose career has been marked by conflicts with the government of Angola, where, Marques says, "corruption can be defined ... as the main institution of the state." Himself a victim of the regime, Marques was imprisoned in 1999 for 40 days without charges, ten of them incommunicado, after he said in a newspaper article that the President was responsible "for the destruction of the country" and "accountable for the promotion of incompetence, embezzlement and corruption."

He was tried and convicted of the charge of abuse of the press resulting in "injury" to the President. On appeal, his sentence was suspended and he was ordered to pay damages to the President. His imprisonment became a landmark case in the quest for freedom of expression in Angola. The publicity surrounding the case generated an unprecedented level of attention from humanitarian groups worldwide to press freedom in Angola. His case was presented by the Open Society Justice Initiative and INTERIGHTS to the UN Human Rights Committee, and resulted in a ruling that Angola had violated the freedom of expression of a journalist and a call for broad liberalization of the Angolan regime.

After his release from detention, Marques turned his attention to efforts to end the civil war in Angola. He organized a coalition of 250 religious and civic leaders who called for a peaceful settlement.

A successor group, launched in 2001, stimulated the first public, independent discussion of the war and took its call for a ceasefire to Lisbon and the European Parliament.

The situation in Angola has attracted wide international attention, partly as a result of Marques’ staunch efforts to call attention to abuses there. John Reed of the Financial Times wrote last year that "with oil companies jostling for concessions, there are concerns that a country regarded as one of the most corrupt is under little pressure to improve governance."

Decimated by the brutal civil war that raged for 30 years before and after independence was gained from Portugal, Angola lost half a million people in that conflict which was supported by the Soviet Union and Western powers and their surrogates. Over four million Angolans were displaced. All but a small part of the population still lives in dire poverty, while Angolan elites have benefited from rising oil and diamond revenues. Angolans reportedly remain deeply sceptical of possibilities for change under the dictatorial regime.

Marques has noted, "This government has always been supported. The only way it has been able to maintain itself is through international forces," an indirect reference to oil and diamond mining interests, including those in the US.

His own greatest impact on the situation came from his work between 1999 and 2002, in the view of his sponsors for the Civil Courage Prize. During those years, with the aid of the Open Society Institute, he wrote extensively about the hardships endured by the populations of oil-rich Cabinda Province and of the Lunda Provinces, a main site of the diamond trade. Despite government revenues in the Lunda region that now exceed $1 billion annually, there has been practically no public investment there over the past four decades. His unvarnished criticisms of the Angolan army's brutality and the malfeasance of the government and foreign oil interests put him at extreme personal risk. However, in 2002 his efforts aided an endeavour in 2003 to discuss elections and to convene a conference on Cabinda Province and reform there.

Marques, who was born in 1971, has pursued a career that has included journalism and acting, in addition to his activities in the sphere of human rights. At the time of the first-ever democratic elections, following the 1991 peace accord signed by the MPLA government and UNITA rebels, he began to work at the Jornal de Angola, the country's only newspaper. In 1992, he covered the meetings between President dos Santos and the UNITA leaders to prevent a return to war. His subsequent involvement in labour disputes at the Jornal in 1995 forced him to leave Angola for a year, whereupon he returned to freelance for Reuters and others, as well as write regularly for weekly independent papers. More recently, he has worked as a representative in Angola for the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa, where his main aim was to aid in teacher training programs.

At present, Marques is studying at the University of London. His family remains in Angola. His publication of criticisms continues via the worldwide web and other media.

He has participated in a number of meetings on international development. Most recently:

"Transitions: A Conversation with National Leaders," New York, March 28-29 2005, held by the New York University and the International Peace Academy.
"Beyond 'Conflict Diamonds:' a New Report on Human Rights and Angolan Diamonds" at the Woodrow Wilson Centre for International Scholars, Washington DC, March 24 2005.
"Angola's Oil Curse" at the Post-Nobel Conference on "Oil Revenues – From Curse to Blessing for Developing Countries?", Marques, Rafael, December 17, 2004.

He has researched, coordinated and edited the following four human rights reports on Angola, which also address the impact of oil and diamonds in the increase of human rights abuses in regions where such wealth abounds:

2006 – The Diamonds of Humiliation and Misery. The report can be found in its entirety at
2005 – Angola's deadly diamonds: Lundas, the stones of death. The report can be found in its entirety on the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars website [PDF 448kb; documents in PDF format require Adobe's Acrobat Reader].
2004 – Cabinda – A year of pain
2003 – Terror in Cabinda

In 2000, the National Association of Black Journalists of the United States presented Marques with the Percy Qoboza Award for Outstanding Courage, while the European Parliament bestowed upon him the Freedom Passport.

Why is Cabinda invaded by the MPLA Regime

No nation has the right to invade its neighbours or the neighbours of its neighbours and call the newly invaded nations their own, maybe that was the fashion and manner of the times of barbarity , was 1974 a year of barbarity the invasion and military occupation of a tiny nation by the brutal cheer greed of a Marxist Communist Regime, aided by corporate profits, we ask do corporate profits and strategies dictate if a country is Italian, French or German? Should Texas be Mexican because such and such Corporation can make a better deal with the Mexican government than with the USA government? Are these companies ruled by law or do these companies rule the law? those at Cabinda Golf Oil Corp thought and placed themselves above the law, today their successor Chevron.

The thug and gang leader of Angola and Commander in Chief of its Armed Forces is a well know Criminal that has ordered the murderer of his political opponents such as Professor MFULUMPINGA N'Lando Victor and Dr. Savimbi, is a man that has been in power without a clear mandate or elections from the people of Angola for the last 27 years and we ask how many more years is the international community and Chevron going to assist and help this despot to continue in power, we ask where as this criminal bastard got the money to place in the Brazilian banks an amount such that he is considered by the money under is name to be the 5th richest person in Brazil. We ask is this the way that Cabinda should be ruled by a foreign despot that bring harm to both the Angolan people and the people of Cabinda.

How many more years we ask that we have to be under the colonization of the Angolans how many more years do our women sisters and daughters have to suffer to horrendous violations of the lose 90.000 Angolan troops stationary in Cabinda how many more years will our Clergy be denied to right to travel abroad how many years does the Cabinda nation will be allowed to suffer? While the Chevron exploits $61.000.000 a day in oil and finances the humiliation of an entire nation while the despot in foreign Angola rules without any mandate and where one in four children die before completing one year of life, where is the ethical where is justice where is rightness where is human and corporate decency?

Mr. Jose Eduardo dos Santos Was Born in Sao Tome e Principe

Serious concerns  (exist has Mr. Jose Eduardo dos Santos speaks no native language of Angola, furthermore has no native name which makes it virtually impossible to pin point is native origin. In 1999 UNITA issued a statement concerning the matter. "The African Angolans issue a firm challenge to Eduardo dos Santos, to produce conclusive proof of his real place of birth and of his parents. UNITA has the right and duty to make available to the Angolan people, the information it possesses related to the true origin of Eduardo dos Santos."

Assis Malaquias suggests the possibility that Eduardo dos Santos was born in São Tomé instead of Luanda)


Treason against the Cabinda State and its Armed Forces consists of levying war against it, adhering to its enemies, or giving them aid and comfort. A state of war exists between the MPLA Army and Cabinda, Foreign Nationals in Cabinda who materially aid the occupying forces of the MPLA by providing military supplies, training or intelligence or take up arms against the Armed Forces of Cabinda may be apprehended and held for trial by Cabindan civil authorities.


As per this act, the Republic of Cabinda ratifies and declares in force on its territory the following human rights conventions:

I - International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966);

II - Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948);

III - International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966)

The preceding shall co-exist as the highest law of the land and become part of the organic law of Cabinda.

Cabinda Free State is the organization that represents the union of the three Chief-Kingdoms of N'Goyo, Kakongo and Loango. At present it represents all those Cabindan Citizens native to these states and those that make part of the Cabinda Diaspora in foreign lands due to the present brutal oppression and occupation of the Nation of Cabinda by the unelected Communist MPLA Regime Armed Forces.

Ministers and Members of Government

Rt Hon Rodrigues Mingas, MDR
Secretary of Information of the Cabinda Free State
Member of the Regency of Cabinda

The Rt Hon Rodrigues Mingas, served as Minister of Information in the Government in Exile of the former President of Cabinda the Rt Hon N'Zita Henriques Tiago, and is a long outspoken critic of the Military Illegal Occupation of Cabinda by the MPLA Communist Regime. Elected 23rd of October 2010 in Brussels by the National Security Council of Cabinda Free State.

Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo Mwana Kabinda, MDR
Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Cabinda Free State
Member of the Regency of Cabinda

The Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo Mwana Kabinda, served as Governor of the Central Bank of Cabinda in the Government in Exile of the former President of Cabinda the Rt Hon N'Zita Henriques Tiago, and is a long outspoken critic of the Military Illegal Occupation of the Republic of Cabinda by the MPLA Communist Regime.

In 1998 November 18 the Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo Mwana Kabinda received his first official nomination on behalf of Cabinda from the Minister of the Presidency of the Provisional Government of Cabinda the Rt Hon Dom Pedro Carlos Luis Puna, to the office of Ambassador of Cabinda in England. 

In 2006 February 9th, the Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo Mwana Kabinda was nominated to the office of Governor of the Cabinda National Bank. During 2006 as Governor of the Cabinda National Bank he issued the first official Cabinda Passports and the first official Mail Stamps of Cabinda Free State. 

Since 2007 June 8th the Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo Mwana Kabinda is the Secretary General of the Federation of the Free States of Africa. In 2010 October 23rd the Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo Mwana Kabinda was officially elected in Brussels by the National Security Council of Cabinda as Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Cabinda Free State.

The Rt Hon Mangovo Ngoyo with General Themudo Barata, the last Governor of the Protectorate of Cabinda


His Grace Mangovo Ngoyo with His Royal Highness the Duke Dom Duarte, King of Portugal

Cabinda Armed Forces

Commander João Medeo Balou, MDR
The Chief of the Armed forces of Cabinda
Commander-in-Chief on the battlefield

National Security Council of Cabinda

Cabinda Parliament

Cabinda House of Lords - Upper House

Cabinda House of Commons - Lower House

Cabinda National Bank - Privy Council of the CNB

The Cabinda National Bank web page

The Law Society of Cabinda

The Law Society web page

The Cabinda National Petroleum

Cabinda Official Philatelic Stamps



Legal Notice

2000-2012 © Cabinda Free State

The Independence of Cabinda a legal document for the Court of International Law.


Concerning Rt Hon Nzita Henriques Tiago and the Rt Hon Joel Batila

On the 22 of June of 2010 the Rt Hon Nzita Henriques Tiago and the Rt Hon Joel Batila where voted into Political Reform by the members of the Cabinda Liberation FLEC in the interior of the Country in a meeting of the Supreme Military Command of FLEC. The Rt Hon Nzita Henriques Tiago was declared Honorary President but no longer politically active.

This was followed by a meeting on the 23 of October 2010 by the National Security Council of the Republic of Cabinda held in Brussels, Belgium, where the case of the political reform of both the Rt Hon Nzita Henriques Tiago and the Rt Hon Joel Batila where Officially passed to Political Reform due to advanced age and clear political incompetence.

Document in pdf issued by the Cabinda Defense Forces concerning the political retirement of both politicians

UN Declaration on the Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources

UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples

Cabinda Free State is a full member
State of the UNFS Union of Free States, world organization,
and member of the FFSA Federation of Free States of Africa

Cabinda Free State is a Member of the Union of Free States

Cabinda Free State is a Member of the Federation of Free States of Africa

The Status of Cabinda Free State

Cabinda is a Nation, Country, language and unique Culture that has an endless determination to fight to regain its Sovereignty. For the last 35 years, the People of Cabinda have being fighting the MPLA unelected Communist Regime, even so We hold 75% to 80% of the Territory of Cabinda Independent and Free from Foreign Occupation.

Of the few Despots and un-elected Dictatorial and Totalitarian Regimes in Africa, the MPLA unelected Communist Regime has gained a solid reputation for Greed, Corruption, Political and Civilian Assassinations, Infinite Arrogance and elevated Stupidity. In its illegitimacy claim to political power (which is achieved by weapons and weapons alone) the MPLA unelected Regime is sustained by what it can rob from others.


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